Ismaili Dictionary & Encyclopedia

AkheEncyclopedia Topic

Says, requests, It is said (proverbial), tells

Various Sources Akhien seEncyclopedia Topic

With eyes

Various Sources AKHIRAEncyclopedia Topic

No less than 67 chapters of the Koran (56 Meccan and 11 Medinan) contain verses on the day of judgment. It is spoken of under various names, the most frequent of which is yaum al-qiyama or the day of great rising, which occurs 70 times in the Koran. Next to it is al-sa'a means the hour, and occurs 40 times, yaum al-akhir or the last day, which occurs 26 times, while al-akhira as meaning the future life occurs 115 times. Next in importance is yaum al-din, which means the day of requital, occurs 6 times. Yaum al-fasl or the day of decision, occurs 6 times, and yaum al-hisab or the day of reckoning, occurs 5 times. Other names occur only once or twice, such as yaum al-fath (the day of judgement), yaum al-talaq (the day of meeting), yaum al-jam (the day of gathering), yaum al-khulud (the day of abiding), yaum al-khuruj (the day of coming forth), yaum al-ba'th (the day of being raised to life), yaum al-hasra (the day of regret), yaum al-tanad (the day of calling forth), yaum al-azifa (the day that draws near), yaum al-taghabun (the day of manifestation of defects). Other names occuring once or twice without the word yaum (day) are al-qari'a (the striking calamity), al-ghashiya (the overwhelming calamity), al-skhkha (the defening calamity), al-tamma (the predominating calamity), al-haqqa (the great truth) and al-waqi'a (the great event).

A faith in a life after death is the last of the basic principles of Islam. The word generally used in the Koran to indicate that life is al-akhir, and akhir is the opposite of awwal (means the first), and thus it signifies that which comes after or the future, or the last. In the Koran, the word al-yaum al-akhir or the last day is used instead of al-akhira (2:8, 62 etc.); and sometimes al-dar al-akhira, the next or the future or the last abode, is used (28:77, 29:64 and 33:29) and once al-nash'at al-akhira or the future or the next life, which is the real meaning conveyed by all these terms.

Death, in the light of the plain teaching of the Koran, is not the end of man's life; it only opens the door to another, a higher, form of life: "Have you considered the small life-germ? Is it you that create it or are We the Creator? We have ordained death among you and none can prevent Us that We may change your attributes and make you grow into what you know not" (56:58-61). Just as from the small life-germ grows the man, and he does not lose his individuality for all the changes which he undergoes, so from this man is made the higher man, his attributes being changed, and he himself being made to grow into what he cannot conceive at present. That this new life is a higher form of life is also made plain: "See how We have made some of them to excel others, and certainly the hereafter is much superior in respect of degrees and much superior in respect of excellence" (17:21) "The Koran accords to faith in the future life an importance which is next only to faith in God. Very often all the doctrines of faith are summed up, as amounting to belief in God and the future life: "And there are some people who say, we believe in God and the last day, and they are not at all believers" (2:8);

Importance of faith in future life

"Whoever believes in God and the last day and does good, they shall have their reward from God" (2:62)

This world as man actually experiences it and lives in it as a whole, called al-dunya, which is derived from dunuw, being near adwan (lower) and dani (base). Thus, al-dunya literally means the lower or the nearest world. The Koran uses the phrase al-hayah al-dunya (the lower life) in place of the simple word al-dunya. In other words, al-dunya (this world) is nearest to the human senses, and what is the lowest to be perceived. The word al-dunya belongs to a particular category of words, which we might call "correlation" words, that is, those words that stands for correlate concepts, like husband and wife, brother and sister, etc. Each member of the pair presupposes the other semantically and stands on the very basis of this correlation. A man can be a husband only in reference to wife. The concept of husband in other words, implicitly contains that of wife and vice versa. In just the same way, the concept of al-dunya presupposes the concept of the world to come or al-akhira, and stands in contrast to it. And the Koran is very much conscious of this correlation whenever it uses either of the two words, not to speak of those frequent cases where both are mentioned together in the same breath, as for example: "You desire the ephemeral goods of the present world (al-dunya), while God desires (for you) the hereafter (al-Akhira)" (8:68). The hereafter (al-Akhira) is thus the world of clear vision in which truth and untruth will be distinguished from each other.

Now a belief in life after death implies that every deed, however, secretly it may be done, must bear fruit, and therefore this belief is both the greatest impetus towards good and noble, and the greatest restraint upon evil or irresponsible deeds. The Koran says: "Then shall every soul become acquainted with what it had sent before" (10:30). Such belief purifies the motives with which a deed is done. It makes a man work with the most selfless of motives in the world, for he seeks no reward for what he does; his work is for higher and nobler ends relating to the life beyond the grave. The Koran says: "Nay! you prefer the life of this world while the hereafter is better and more lasting" (87:16-17).

Connection between the two lives

"The Koran not only speaks of a life after death which opens out before man a new world of advancement, it also shows that the basis of that life is laid in this very earthy life. For the good, the heavenly life, and for the wicked, a life in hell, begin even here, though the limitations of this material life do not allow most people to realize that other: "Certainly thou wert heedless of it (the future life), but now (after death) We have removed from thee thy veil, so thy sight today is sharp" (50:22) and "On that day you shall be exposed to view" (69:18). It implies that the spiritual life which here is hidden due to material limitations, will become more manifest after death; because human perception will then be sharp, the veil of material limitations having been removed. The Koran plainly speaks of two paradises for the righteous and two chastisements for the wicked, and as plainly of a heavenly and hellish life, each beginning here: "And for him who fears to stand before his Lord are two gardens" (55:46), "O soul that art at rest! Return to thy Lord well pleased with Him, well pleasing Him, so enter among My servants and enter into My paradise" (89:27-30), "Nay! If you had known with a certain knowledge, you should certainly have seen the hell" (89:5-6), "It is the fire kindled by God which rises above the hearts" (104:6-7), "And whoever is blind in this life, shall also be blind in the hereafter" (17:72) and "Such is the chastisement, and certainly the chastisement of the hereafter is greater, did they but know" (68:33).

Second stage of the higher life

It will have been seen that the Koran speaks of the growth of a higher life even in the life of this world, and thus the spiritual experience of man is the first stage of the higher life. Yet, ordinarily, man is neglected of this higher experience, and it is only persons of a very high spiritual development that are in any way conscious of that higher life. Barzakh is really the second stage in the development of this higher life, and it appears that all men have a certain consciousness of the higher life at this stage, though full development has not yet taken place. In the Koran, even the development of the physical life is mentioned as passing through three stages. The first stage of that life is the state of being in the earth; the second, that of being in the mother's womb; and the third, that in which the child is born. Thus we have: "He knows you best when He brings you forth from the earth and when you are embryos in the wombs of your mother" (53:32). And again: "And He began the creation of man from dust; then He made his progeny of an extract of water held in light estimation; then He made him complete and breathed into him of His spirit" (32:7-9). And still again: "And certainly We have created man of an extract of clay; then We make him a small life-germ in a firm resting place......then We causes it to grow into another creation, so blessed be God, the best of the creators" (23:12-14). Corresponding to these three stages in the physical development of man, the stage of dust, the stage of embryo and the stage of birth into life, the Koran speaks of three stages in his spiritual growth. The first is the growth of spiritual life which begins in this very life, but it is a stage at which ordinarily there is no consciousness of this life, like the dust stage in the physical growth of a man. Then there comes death, and with it is entered the second stage of the higher or spiritual life, the barzakh or the qabr stage, corresponding to the embryo state in the physical growth of man. At this stage, life has taken a definite form, and a certain consciousness of that life has grown up, but it is not yet the full consciousness of the final development which takes place with the resurrection, and which may therefore be compared to the actual birth of man, to his setting forth on the road to real advancement, to a full awakening of the great truth. The development of the higher life in barzakh is as necessary a stage in the spiritual world as is the development of physical life in the embryonic state. The two stages thus stand on a par.

Spiritual experience in the barzakh stage

That there is some kind of awakening to a new spiritual experience immediately after death is abundantly evident from various Koranic references. For example, the very verse in which barzakh is spoken of (23:99-100) set forth the spiritual experience of the evil-doer, who immediately becomes conscious of the fact that he has been doing in his first life something which is now detrimental to the growth of the higher life in him, and hence desires to go back, so that he may do good deeds which may help the development of the higher life. It shows that the consciousness of a higher life has sprung up in him immediately after death. On another occasion, we are told that evil-doers are made to taste of the evil consequences of their deeds in this state of barzakh, the consciousness of the chastisement becoming clear on the resurrection day: "And the most evil chastisement overtook Pharaoh's people: the fire; they shall be brought before it every morning and evening and on the day when the hour shall come to pass: Make Pharaoh's people enter the severest chastisement" (40:45-46).

It should be noted that while, in the Koran, the guilty are spoken of as receiving chastisement in the state of barzakh, in the hadith this punishment is spoken of as adhab al-qabr, or the punishment meted out in the grave.

The righteous are spoken of as tasting the fruits of good deeds immediately after death: "And reckon not those who are killed in God's way as dead; nay, they are alive, being given sustenance from their Lord; rejoicing in what God has given them out of His grace, and they rejoice for the sake of those who, being left behind, have not yet joined them, that they shall have no fear nor shall they grieve" (3:168-169)..

Ayn al-Qudat Hamadani (d. 525/1131) explains that all vision of the spiritual world or of the next world is based on tamaththul (the display of images). Thus, according to the Koran, Jibrail appeared to Mary as "a man without fault" through tamththul (19:17). On this basis we can understand the questioning of the dead by the angels Munkar and Nakir: It takes place within yourself. Those of our contemporaries who are veiled from the truth have come up with this problem: How can two angels, in one instant, visit a thousand different individuals? The concluded that one must accept this as an article of faith, since it contradicts reason. But in this connection Ibn Sina provided a world explanation in two sentences: "Munkar is his evil deeds, and Nakir his good deeds." The ego is the mirror of blameworthy qualities, and the intellect and heart are the mirror of praiseworthy qualities. When a man looks, he sees his own attributes revealing themselves in images (tamaththul-gari kunad). His own existence is his torment, though he thinks someone else is tormenting him. If you want to hear the Prophet himself. If you want to hear the Prophet himself say this, listen when he speaks of the chastisements of the grave: "They are only your works given back to you" (Tamhidat, Tehran, 1962, p. 289).

Three resurrections

The two words used most frequently regarding the resurrection are al-qiyama and al-sa'a. The first of these refers apparently, to the rising, which is its literal significance, the second to destruction, being the hour of doom. Now as regards this latter word, Raghib says that there are three sa'as in the sense of resurrection; viz. kubra (the greater resurrection), which is the rising up of the people for reckoning; wusta (the middle resurrection), which is the passing away of one generation; and sughra (the minor resurrection), which is the death of the individual. An example of the last use of the word sa'a is given as occurring in the Koran: "They are indeed in loss who give the lie to the meeting with God until when the hour comes upon them all of a sudden" (6:31). Here the hour (al-sa'a) clearly stands for the death of the person who gives the lie. As regards the use of al-sa'a in the sense of the end of a generation, a hadith of the Prophet is quoted according to which he is reported to have said referring to Abdullah ibn Unais, who was then only a boy: "If the life of this boy is lengthened, he will not die till the hour (al-sa'a) comes to pass" (Raghib); and it is related that he was the last to die from among the Companions of the Prophet; in other words, al-sa'a in this case signifies the passing away of the generation of the Companions. There are examples of this use in the Koran also: "The hour (al-sa'a) drew nigh and the moon did rend asunder" (54:1). "The hour" in this case, clearly stands for the doom of the opponents of the Prophet. And again: "Do they say, We are a host allied together to help each other? Soon shall the hosts be routed and they shall turn their backs. Nay, the hour (al-sa'a) is their promised time and the hour shall be most grievous and bitter" (54:44-46).

Spiritual resurrection and the greater resurrection

It may also be noted that just as the word al-sa'a is used in a wider sense, and indicates, besides, the doomsday, sometimes the death of an individual and sometimes the passing away of a generation, so do the word qiyamah (rising) and ba'th (raising the dead to life) sometimes occur, each in a wider sense. Thus there is a saying of the Prophet: "Whoever dies, his resurrection has indeed come to pass" (al-Mishkat al-Masabih, 26:7). Here the state of barzakh is called a resurrection, and this shows that no sooner does a man die than he is raised up to a new life. It should be further borne in mind that on any occasion when the Koran speaks of the dead, it means those who are spiritually dead, and by giving life to them means the bringing about of a spiritual awakening in them. Take the following example: "Is he who was dead, then We raised him to life and made for him a light by which he walks among the people, like him whose likeness is that of one in utter darkness whence he cannot come forth?" (6:123). Here, clearly, the dead one is he who is spiritually dead, and God's raising him to life is giving him the spiritual life. On one occasion even, by "those in the graves" are meant those who are dead spiritually: "Neither are the living and the dead alike. Surely God makes him whom He pleases hear, and thou canst not make those hear who are in the graves. Thou art naught but a warner" (35:22-23). The context shows that by "those in the graves" are meant those whom death has overtaken spiritually, whom the Prophet would warn but they would not listen. On another occasion, where those in the graves are mentioned, the words convey a doubt significance, referring to the spiritual awakening brought about by the Prophet as well as to the new life in the resurrection: "And thou seest the earth sterile land, but when We send down water on it, it stirs and swells and bring forth of every kind a beautiful herbage. This is because God is the Truth and because He gives life to the dead and because He has power over all things, and because the hour is coming, there is no doubt about it; and because God shall raise up those who are in the graves" (22:5-7). The first part of this passage, describing the giving of life to dead soil by means of rain, shows that the second part refers to the giving of spiritual life by means of Divine revelation, a comparison between rain and revelation being of frequent occurrence in the Koran. "The hour" here, as in so many other places, refers to the doom of the opponents of the Prophet, and "the dead" and "those in the graves" are evidently the spiritually dead. But though speaking primarily of the spiritual resurrection, there is also a reference to the great resurrection of the dead. In fact, not only here but in many other places in the Koran, the spiritual resurrection, to be brought about by the Prophet, and the great resurrection of the dead are mentioned together, the one being as it were an evidence of the other, because an awakening to the spiritual life shows the existence of a higher life, the development of which is the real aim of the greater resurrection.

Life has an aim

That the whole of creation on this earth is for the service of man, and that human life has some great aim and purpose to fulfill, is yet another argument for resurrection advanced by the Koran: "Does man think that he is to be left to wander without an aim?" (75:36); "What! Do you think that We have created you in vain and that you shall not be returned to Us?" (23:115). Just as the God-idea ennobles man's life, and endows it with the purest and highest impulses, so does the resurrection-idea introduce a seriousness into man's life which cannot be otherwise attained. It will be taking too low a view of human nature to imagine that with all those vast capacities for ruling nature and its wonderful forces, human life itself has no aim, and is like the grass that grows up today and disappears tomorrow, serving either as fodder or manure.

If everything in nature is intended for the service of man, but human life itself is without purpose, then man must be placed lower than the lowest form of creation, which is a contradiction in terms. The Koran makes this argument clear in three brief sentences: "Surely We have created man in the best make, then We render him the lowest of the low, except those who believe and do good, for they shall have a reward never to be cut off" (95-4-6). The last words clearly refer to the higher life which is never to be cut off, and this argument is followed by the conclusion: "So who can give thee the lie after this about the judgment?" (95:7). It cannot be that the whole of creation should serve a purpose and that man alone, who is lord of it and endowed with capabilities for ruling the universe, should have a purposeless existence. It is the resurrection alone that solves this difficulty. Man has a higher object to fulfill, he has a higher life to live beyond this world; and that higher life is the aim of human life.

Good and evil must have their reward

Another argument adduced by the Koran in support of the resurrection is that good and evil must have their reward. Of the whole living creation, man alone has the power to discriminate between good and evil. And so acute is his perception of good and evil that he will strive with all his might to promote good and to eradicate evil. He makes laws for this purpose, and uses the whole machinery of power at his disposal to enforce them. Yet what do we see in practical life? Good is often neglected and starves, which evil prospers. That is not as it should be, "God does not waste the reward of the doers of good" (11:115, 12:90 etc.); "We do not waste the reward of him who does a good deed" (18:30); "I will not waste the work of a worker among you, whether male or female, the one of you being from the other" (3:194); "Whoever does an atom's weight of good shall see it, and whoever does an atom's weight of evil shall see it" (99:7-8), such are some of the plain declarations made by the Koran. And when we look at nature around us, we find the same law at work. Every cause has its effect, and every thing done must bear a fruit. Even that which man does in the physical world must bear a fruit. Why should man's good and evil deeds be an exception to this general rule working in the whole universe? And if they are not an exception, as they should not be, the conclusion is evident that good and evil must bear their full fruit in another life.

Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral AKHIRA-2Encyclopedia Topic

(continued)
Resurrection is quite consistent with present knowledge

The concept of life after death is so strange to the average mind that the Koran has, again and again, to answer the question, how will it be? And the answer given in all cases is that the great Author of all existence Who made this vast universe out of nothing could also bring about a new creation: "Were We then fatigued with the first creation? Yet are they in doubt with regard to a new creation" (50:15), "And they say, What! When we shall have become bones and decayed particles, shall We then be raised up to a new creation? Say, Become stones or iron, or some other creature of those which are too hard to receive life in your minds! But they say, Who will return us? Say, He Who created you at first." (17:49-51), "What! When we shall have become bones and decayed particles, shall we then be indeed raised up into a new creation? Do they not consider that God, Who created the heavens and earth, is able to create their likes?" (17:98-99), "And if thou wouldst wonder, then wondrous is their saying, What! When we are dust, shall we then be in a new creation?" (13:5), "Dost thou not see that God created the heavens and the earth with truth? If He pleases, He will take you away and bring a new creation, and this is not difficult for God. And they shall all come forth before God" (14:19-21).

The one universal idea running through all is that this old creation, the earth and its heavens, that is to say, the solar system or the whole of the universe, would give place to a new creation . The old order would be changed into an entirely new one. It shall be a day "when the earth shall be changed into a different earth and the heavens as well" (14:48). Just as this universe has grown out of chaos and nebulous mass into its present state of systems of stars and their families, it will, in its turn, give place to a higher order which will be evolved from it. The idea is quite consistent with the scientific knowledge of the universe to which man has attained at the present day, the idea of evolution, order out of chaos, a higher order out of a lower order, and with this order of the universe, a higher order of human life, of which our present senses cannot conceive.

Recurrection

Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral Akhiyan / AkhiyunEncyclopedia Topic

Eyes

Various Sources AKHLAQ Encyclopedia Topic

The Arabic term akhlaq (pl. of khulq) for ethics does not occur in the Koran. There are however few words that suggest technical terminology for the ethics. The most prominent word for virtuous conduct is salih or other words from the root, which occur some 171 times in the Koran. The root appears in verbal forms: "Who does right (man salaha) from among their fathers, wives, and offspring" (40:8, 13:23). Its most common form is a nominal in stereotype with amila as "do good deeds" or "those who do virtuous acts" (alladhina amilu l-salihat) (2:25) and numerous other instances. Amila l-salihat is so common as to amount almost to a chorus in Koranic discourse. Very often salih is joined to other fundamental Koranic concepts: "For those who have faith and do good deeds there shall be no transgression (junah) concerning what they have eaten, therefore, fear God and have faith and do good deeds; then, fear God and have faith; then fear God and do kindness (ahsanu); God loves those who do kindness" (5:93). Salih-acts explicitly earn the doer paradise (2:25, 5:93).

Another Koranic term for virtue is birr and various derivatives of the root letter b-r-r. The word birr seems to be a general word connoting virtue or righteousness in the context of religious attitudes and acts, and can occur also in verbal form: "

Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral AkhoEncyclopedia Topic

Complete, whole

Various Sources Akhsar (Akshar)Encyclopedia Topic

Alphabet, letter, name

Various Sources AkhutEncyclopedia Topic

Unending, endless, inexhaustible

Various Sources AkhveEncyclopedia Topic

Says

Various Sources AksharEncyclopedia Topic

Alphabet, letter, name

Various Sources AlaEncyclopedia Topic

Allah, Lord, brother, a word used in Sindhi poetry to maintain rhythm, a word used in Sindhi poetic literature for a lap

Various Sources ALA MUHAMMAD (561-607/1166-1210), 24TH IMAMEncyclopedia Topic

"Nuruddin Muhammad, surnamed Ala, also called Ala Muhammad or Muhammad bin Hasan, was born around 550/1155 or 553/1158 in Alamut. He is also known as Muhammad II, and sometimes as Ziaruddin Muhammad. His mother related to the Buwahid family. Immediately upon his accession, he arrested Hasan bin Namavar and his relatives and sentenced them to death, who were responsible to kill the Imam's father.

Bernard Lewis writes in The Assassins (London, 1967, p. 95) that, "Hasan was succeeded by his son Muhammad, who proceeded to confirm that his father and therefore he himself were descendants of Nizar, and Imams. He is said to have been a prolific writer, and during his long reign, the doctrine of the Resurrection was developed and elaborated." B. Hourcade writes that, "Hasan's son, Nur al-din Mohammad II (d. 607/1210), consolidated the work of his father, whom he pronounced the true Imam, the secret son of a descendant of Nizar who had hidden at Alamut." (cf. Encyclopaedia of Iran and Islam ed. by Yarshater, London, 1982, p. 800).

Imam Ala Muhammad was greatly engaged in his interest on philosophy and esoteric doctrines. His literary output was voluminous and had compiled several books on Koranic exegesis to broach the doctrines of the Ismailis. He was well steeped in Arabic and composed many proverbs and poetry in Arabic, whose fragments had been into the memories of the Muslims in Qazwin. Few misconceptions had started among the Muslims during his period about the qiyama in Iran and Syria, therefore, Imam Ala Muhammad wrote several tracts to justify the doctrines of qiyama. In his elaboration of the doctrine of qiyama, he also assigned as usual a central role to the Imam. It further implied a complete personal transformation of the Ismailis who henceforth were expected to see nothing but the Imam and the manifestation of the divine truth in him. The Imam was defined in his essence as the epiphany (mazhar) of God.

The period of Imam Ala Muhammad was longer, in which there had been no war between the Ismailis and neighbouring rules. It is possible that the Abbasid and Seljuq powers were at their downfall, and were incapable to attack the Ismaili castles. Meanwhile, an important political change took place in Iran and other eastern lands. The Seljuqs disintegrated after Sanjar's death in 552/1157, being replaced by the Turkish amirs and generals. It must be remembered that Tughril Beg (d. 455/1063) had founded the Seljuqid empire in 447/1055 and was declined in 590/1194. This dynasty produced 15 rulers belonging to seven generations.

Towards the end of the twelfth century a new power emerged in the east. South of the Aral sea lay the land of Khawaraz in Central Asia, whose rulers assumed the title of the Khwarazmshahs. In about 586/1190, the Khawarazmshah Alauddin Tekish (d. 596/1200) occupied Khorasan, thus becoming master of eastern Iran. The Khawarazmians soon came to have an impressive empire of their own, stretching from the boarders of India to Anatolia. The Seljuq dynasty came to an end everywhere except in Anatolia when Alauddin Tekish defeated Tughril III at Ray in 590/1194. The triumphant Khawarazmshah was the obvious ruler to fill the vacancy created by the Seljuqs, and in the following year, the Abbasid caliph Nasir (d. 622/1225) invested Alauddin Tekish with the sultanate of western Iran, Khorasan and Turkistan.

We come across an instance of Ustandar Hazarasf bin Shahrnush (560-586/1164-1190), the Baduspanid ruler of Rustamdar and Ruyan, who had harboured himself at Alamut. According to Jamiut-Tawarikh (pp. 170-173), Hazarasf had cemented his close relation with the Ismailis residing at Rudhbar and granted them few castles in his territories. When his relation deteriorated with his superior, Husam ad-Dawla Ardashir (567-602/1172-1206), the Bawandid Ispahbad of Mazandarn, he took refuge at Alamut as a result. In due course, Hazarasf raided his former territories with the help of the Ismaili fidais and killed an Alid ruler of Daylaman. He was at last arrested and killed by Ardashir in 586/1190.

According to Jamiut Tawarikh (pp. 170-3), once Fakhruddin Razi (543-606/1149-1209) in his lectures to theological students in Ray harshly reviled the Ismailis. He used to say in his lectures that, "This is against the Islam. May God curse and disgrace them." Hearing intolerable words, a fidai was sent from Alamut to have it stopped. There he enrolled himself as a student, and attended Fakhruddin's lectures daily for seven months, until he found an opportunity of seeing him alone in his room. The fidai brandished a dagger and menaced him. Fakhruddin jumped aside, and said: "What do you want?" The fidai replied: "I want to slit your belly from the breast to the navel, because you have cursed us from the pulpit at each mention." After a tussle, the fidai hurled him to the floor and sat on his chest with his poniard at his throat. The terrified theologian promised to repent, and to refrain from such attacks in future. The fidai allowed him to be persuaded, and accepting a solemn undertaking from Fakhruddin to mend his ways, produced a bag containing 365 gold dinars with two Yamenite garments, being the first payment of a pension that the Imam granted for him, and assured him for a similar amount of grant for every year if he kept his promise. Henceforth, Fakhruddin Razi took good care to avoid expressions offensive to the Ismailis. One of his students, noting this change, asked, why he no longer assailed the Ismailis. The theologian replied: "It is not advisable to curse the Ismailis, for they have both weighty and trenchant arguments." Fakhruddin Razi had truly changed his attitude, and condemned one Sunni theologian, who tried to refute the Ismaili doctrines with fanatical and ill-informed abuse, and praised another for correctly citing an Ismaili text. His point, of course, was that the theological controversy must be based on correct information and an intelligent understanding of an opponent's point of view. Farkhruddin Razi received the annual grant from Alamut for five years through Ra'is Muzaffar until he was in Ray.

It is recounted that Qais bin Mansur al-Dadikhi was known to have visited Alamut during the period of Imam Ala Muhammad. He was born in Dadikh, a town in the district of Aleppo. He lived till the time of Imam Ala Muhammad and returned to Aleppo in 648/1250, where he died in 655/1257.

The celebrated Ismaili poet hailed from Khorasan, called Ra'is Hasan had visited Alamut around 587/1191, and glorified Imam Ala Muhammad in his poem, vide An Old Ismaili Poem tr. by W. Ivanow (cf. Ismaili, March, 1940, pp. 7-8). It was also a sort of prayer for seeking forgiveness for a breach of the mission rules in the Syrian community, and arrived in Iran to behold the Imam.

In Alamut, the period of Imam Ala Muhammad was noted for learning and prosperity. Taylor writes in The History of Mohammedanism and its sects (London, 1851, p. 187) that, "He was a diligent student himself and wrote several treatises on philosophy and jurisprudence which are valued highly even by those who were enemies of his order."

During the last 16 years of Imam Ala Muhammad's Imamate and reign, the Iranian Ismailis were engaged once again in petty warfare with their close neighbours. The Ismailis of Rudhbar had certain disputes with Mazandaran, and they had actually given refuge to Bisutun, the ruler of Ruyan who had engineered rebellion against the Bawandid Husam ad-Dawla Ardashir. In the meantime, the Ismailis began to spread their influences in Mazandaran and killed Rukn ad-Dawla Qarin, the younger brother of the Bawandid Shams al-Mulk Shah Ghazi Rustam II (602-606/1206-1210).

Meanwhile, the Ismailis of Rudhbar were confronted with the Khwarazmian general, who had replaced the Seljuqs in western Iran and were expanding their influence in Daylam. In 602/1205, Miyajiq, a Khwarazmian general, trickled and murdered a bulk of the Ismailis from Alamut and thereupon the Khwarazmian troops made themselves as the friends of the Qazwin, the traditional enemies of the Ismailis, and made raids from time to time on Rudhbar

Imam Ala Muhammad died on 10th Rabi I, 607/September 1, 1210 after the longest rule of 46 years. He had two sons, of whom the elder, Jalaluddin Hasan was succeeded to the Imamate.

Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral Ala RajiyaEncyclopedia Topic

Allah will be pleased

Various Sources aLA RAJIYANoun

Très content. (RAJI = content)

Heritage Dictionary of Ismailism, entry #765general AlakhEncyclopedia Topic

Indescribable, the Lord, beyond comprehension, ineffable, beyond description, incomprehensible, beyond understanding, formless, unseen, secret

Various Sources Alakh purushEncyclopedia Topic

The Incomprehensible Lord

Various Sources AlamEncyclopedia Topic

Flag, standard

Various Sources ALaM aL IBDANoun

ALaM aL aMR*, Plérôme céléste â l'Impératif (ESTO). Le Aql-i Qul est l'être mis â l'imperatif, l'acte de l'Instauration éternelle (IBDA) et le Verbe Créateur.

Heritage Dictionary of Ismailism, entry #15general ALaM aL-aMRNoun

ALaM aL IBDA*, Le monde du Verbe, Kalam Allah*

Heritage Dictionary of Ismailism, entry #14general Alam ShahEncyclopedia Topic

King of the world

Various Sources ALAMUTEncyclopedia Topic

"Alamut is a historical fortress of the Nizari Ismailis. Its location in mountainous terrain lies about 100 km. Northwest of Tehran, and situated in the high peak of Elburz mountain. Alburz generally was pronounced as Elburz, is the name given to great mountain range, dividing the high plateau of Iran from the low lands of Caspian Sea. The original Iranian word Alburz is derived from two Zand words, signifying the high mountain. The fortress of Alamut is 600 feet high, 450 feet long and 30 to 125 feet wide and is partly encompassed by the towering Elburz range. The rock of Alamut is known at present as Qal'ai Guzur Khan.

The Justanid dynasty of Daylam was founded in 189/805, and one of its rulers, called Wahsudan bin Marzuban (d. 251/865) is reported to have built the fortress of Alamut in 246/860. Ibn Athir (d. 630/1234) records its anecdote in his Kamil fi't Tarikh (Beirut, 1975, 10:110) that once the ruler, while on hunting excursion had followed a manned eagle, which alighted on the rock. The king saw the strategic value of the location and built a fort on the top of a high piercing rock and was named aluh amut, which in the Daylami dialect, derived from aluh (eagle) and amut (nest), i.e., eagle's nest as the eagle, instead of following the birds, had built its nest on that location. According to Sar Guzasht-i Sayyidna, the term alamut is aluh amut i.e., the eagle's nest, and an eagle had its nest there. Ibn Athir relates another tradition that the eagle had taught and guided the king to this location, therefore, it was named talim al-aqab (the teaching or guidance of an eagle), whose rendering into Daylami dialect is aluh amut. The word aluh means eagle and amutis derived from amukhat means teaching. The people of Qazwin called it aqab amukhat (the teaching of eagle). Thus, the term aluh amut (or aqab amukhat) later on became known as Alamut. The Iranian historians have drawn attention that if one gives to each letter in the full name of Aluh Amut, its numerical value in the traditional abjad system of alpha-numeric corresponds the sum total of 483, which represents the year in which Hasan bin Sabbah obtained possession of Alamut, i.e. 483/1090.

Afterwards, the Musafirid dynasty, also known as Sallarids or Kangarids (304-483/916-1090) founded by Muhammad bin Musafir (304-330/916-941), who ruled from the fortress of Shamiran in the district of Tarum at Daylam and Azerbaijan. Later, Mahdi bin Khusaro Firuz, known as Siyahchashm, retained the occupation of Alamut. He was however defeated by the Musafirid ruler, Ibn Musafir in 316/928 and henceforward, there is no historical indication about the fate of Alamut following the death of Ibn Musafir in 319/931.

When Hasan bin Sabbah arrived in Iran from Egypt, the fortress of Alamut was in possession of an Alid, called Hussain Mahdi, who had it as a fief from the Seljuq sultan Malikshah. Hasan Mahdi was a descendant of Hasan bin Ali al-Utrush (d. 304/916), one of the Alid rulers of Tabaristan, also known as al-Nasir li'l-Haq, who had established a separate Zaidi community in the Caspian Sea. It is related that a da'i Hussain Qaini, working under Hasan bin Sabbah had created his friendship with Hussain Mahdi. The Ismaili da'is also converted a bulk of the people around the territory, and became powerful to some extent. These Ismailis also began to come in the fortress. Knowing this, Hussain Mahdi expelled them and closed its doors. Finally, Hussain Mahdi was compelled to open the doors due to the growing influence of the Ismailis in the vicinity.

Hasan bin Sabbah moved to Ashkawar and then Anjirud, adjacent to Alamut, and on Wednesday, the 6th Rajab, 483/September 4, 1090, he stealthily entered the castle of Alamut. He lodged there for a while in disguise, calling himself Dihkhuda and did not reveal his identity to Hussain Mahdi, but as the days rolled away, the latter noticed that he was no longer obeyed, that there was another master in Alamut. The bulk of Alamut's garrison and a large number of the inhabitants had embraced Ismailism, making Hussain Mahdi powerless to defend himself or make their expulsion, but himself left the fortress. Thus, Alamut was occupied without any massacre and taken to be known as daru'l hijra (place of refuge) for the Ismailis.

Ata Malik Juvaini (1226-1283) had seen the fortress of Alamut when it was being shattered in 654/1256. He writes in Tarikh-i Jhangusha (Cambridge, 1958, p. 719) that, "Alamut is a mountain which resembles a kneeling camel with its neck resting on the ground." It was situated in Daylam about 35 km. north-west of Qazwin in the region of Rudhbar. It was physically a large towering rock, with steep slopes hardly negotiable on most sides, but with a considerable expanse at its top where extensive building could be done.

Halagu, the Mongol commander reduced the fort of Alamut. He came with his forces at the foot of Alamut in 654/1256, whose Ismaili commander was Muqadinuddin. After a few days, the garrison of Alamut dismounted. Berthold Spuler writes in The Muslim World (London, 1969, 2:18) that, "The fortress Alamut offered a desperate resistance to the onslaughts of the Central Asian hordes and only succumbed after a prolong siege." Towards the end of Zilkada, 654/December, 1256, all the persons in Alamut came down with all their goods and belongings and after three days, the Mongols climbed up to the castle and seized whatever those people had been unable to carry off. They also plundered freely whatever they found in the castle, and then set fire to its building and its library. Meanwhile, Ata Malik Juvaini, who had accompanied Halagu to the foot of Lamasar, had been granted permission to inspect the library. He saved a number of choice books, including some Ismaili works, as well as certain astronomical instruments, before consigning the library to flames. Thus, the accumulated literary treasure of about two centuries was consumed to ashes. Juvaini himself writes, "I burnt them all" (basukh tam). Edward G. Browne termed it, "world's renowned library." Arif Tamir writes in Khams Rasail Ismailiyya (Beirut, 1956, p. 195) that, "The Mongol destroyed the Ismaili library containing one and one half million volumes."

As for the Alamut, Juvaini writes, "It was a castle whereof the entries and exits, the ascents and approaches had been so strengthened by plastered walls and lead-covered ramparts that when it was being demolished, it was as though the iron struck its head on a stone, and it had nothing in its hand and yet resisted. And in the cavities of these rocks they had constructed several long, wide and tall galleries and deep tanks, dispensing with the use of stone and mortar...And from the river, they had brought a conduit to the foot of the castle and from thence a conduit was cut in the rock half way round the castle and ocean-like tanks, also of rock, constructed beneath so that the water would be stored in them by its own impetus and was continually flowing on. Most of these stores of liquids and solids, which they had been laying down from the time of Hasan-i Sabbah, that is over a period of more than 170 years, showed no sign of destruction, and this they regarded as a result of Hasan's sanctity. (2:720-1) Juvaini goes on to tell how a large body of Mongol soldiers were employed in demolishing the castle: "Picks were of no use: they set fire to the buildings and then broke them up, and this occupied them for a long time." (Ibid.)

The Ismaili rule in Alamut lasted for 171 years (483/1090-654/1256). In its early period, the following three hujjats were the rulers of the Alamut:-

1. Hasan bin Sabbah (483/1090-532/1138)

2. Kiya Buzrug Ummid (532/1138-532/1138)

3. Muhammad bin Kiya Buzrug (532/1138-554/1160)

The following eight Imams flourished during the Alamut rule:-

1. Imam Hadi bin Nizar (490-530/1097-1136)

2. Imam Mohtadi bin Hadi (530-552/1136-1157)

3. Imam Kahir (552-557/1157-1162)

4. Imam Hasan Ala Zikrihi's Salam (557-561/1162-1166)

5. Imam Ala Muhammad (561-607/1166-1210)

6 Imam Jalaluddin Hasan (607-618/1210-1221)

7. Imam Alauddin Muhammad (618-653/1221-1255)

8. Imam Ruknuddin Khurshah (653-655/1255-1257)

The Mongols in fact reconstructed Alamut and Lamasar and retained for their own use. When Halagu left Iran for his operations against Baghdad, the Ismaili commanders at remote distance had also surrendered their castles upon receipt of official orders without knowing veritable picture. Few among them are reported to have trekked in Rudhbar after the massacre of the Ismailis in 656/1257. They made an intensive search of the succeeding Imam after being known that Imam Ruknuddin Khurshah had been also killed. Hamidullah Mustawi (d. 750/1349) writes in Tarikh-i Guzida (1:583) that a group of the Ismailis led by the son of Imam Ruknuddin Khurshah, whose title was Naw Daulat or Abu Daulat, managed to obtain possession of Alamut in 674/1275. The reason for re-occupation, as we have been informed, was to give an inkling to the hiding Imam and the Ismailis to come out of concealment. If this version certainly embodies grain of truth, it implies that the Ismailis of Rudhbar were not yet acquainted with the whereabouts of the Imam. According to Tarikh-i Guzida (1:583), "They retained Alamut for almost one year before they were dislodged by a force sent against them by Halagu's son and successor Abaqa (d. 680/1282)."

Muhammad Shah (d. 807/1404), the son of Momin Shah bin Imam Shamsuddin Muhammad is reported to have appeared in Daylam. He is said to have joined Kiya Malik, the Hazaraspid ruler for taking the possession of Ashkawar. Muhammad Shah formed his force, and subdued Syed Mahdi Kiya with the help of Kiya Malik. Syed Mahdi Kiya was arrested and sent to Tabriz in the court of sultan Uways (757-776/1356-1374), the Jalayirid ruler of Azerbaijan. Kiya Malik reinstated his rule in Ashkawar, and granted the hold of Alamut and its locality to Muhammad Shah in 776/1374. Syed Mahdi Kiya released from imprisonment in 778/1376 with the influence of Tajuddin Amuli, the Zaidi Syed of Timjan. Soon afterwards, Syed Ali Kiya took field against Ashkawar and defeated Kiya Malik, who fled to Alamut in the hope of being assisted once again by Muhammad Shah, but failed, therefore, he took refuge with Taymur. Meanwhile, the forces of Syed Ali had laid siege to Alamut while pursuing Kiya Malik, and took possession of the stronghold. Syed Ali was later defeated and killed in 791/1389 by the Nasirwands of Lahijan. Kiya Malik returned to Daylam and captured Alamut from Amir Kiya'i Syeds. Soon afterwards, following the murder of Kiya Malik, Muhammad Shah appeared once again in Daylam, and took possession of Alamut. But he soon surrendered Alamut to the Gawbara ruler of Rustamdar, Malik Kayumarth bin Bisutun (d. 857/1453). Then, Alamut passed into the occupation of the rulers of Lahijan.

The Safavid Shah Suleman (d. 1105/1693) is reported to have used the fortress of Alamut as a state prison for the rebellious persons from among his courtiers and relatives. At that time, only a few Ismaili families resided in the lower Caspian region.

Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral Alang palangEncyclopedia Topic

Big bed, luxurious bed

Various Sources AlasEncyclopedia Topic

Laziness, indolence, slackness, procrastination

Various Sources ALAUDDIN MUHAMMAD (618-653/1221-1255), 26TH IMAMEncyclopedia Topic

"Alauddin Muhammad, or Muhammad III was born in 609/1213. He was succeeded by his father at the age of 9 years. The administration of the state affairs was governed by his gifted mother for about six years, which was the first instance when a woman administered at Alamut.

The period of six years (618/1221 to 624/1227) was very peaceful in Alamut, during which time the Imam's mother seems to have deposed many incapable governors in Rudhbar and Kohistan. It seems that some governors and officers had misused their powers in that period. In 624/1227, Imam Alauddin Muhammad took the power upon death of his mother at the age of 15 or 16 years, and appointed Imaduddin as his vizir. He dealt iron-handed against the corruptions and the persons misusing the powers. Most of them turned against him and went to live in Qazwin. In order to cover the story of their defalcations, they started to spread rumours against the Imam in bitter sarcasms. Some of them went on to propagate that the brain of Imam Alauddin Muhammad had been affected few months before 624/1227 when a physician operated him, causing waste of excess blood. The oppositions were however surmounted very soon.

A cursory glance of the contemporary rules indicates that the Abbasid caliph Nasir died in 622/1225, and was succeeded by Zahir (d. 623/1226), Mustansir (d. 640/1242) and Mustasim (d. 656/1258), the last of the dynasty. Jalaluddin Khwarazmshah (617-628/1220-1231) was however absolutely ruling in Central Asia.

The relation of the Ismailis with the Abbasids and Khwarazmshah was already improved. The relations of Khwarazmshah with the Abbasids and Ismailis were however strained in due course. Meanwhile, Jalaluddin Khwarazmshah was defeated by Chenghiz Khan in 618/1221 on the bank of the Indus, and he had to spend three years in India. The impact of the ceaseless Mongolian invasions forced the Khwarazamins of Bukhara and Samarkand to escape, and most of them took refuge in the Ismaili territory in Kohistan. The Ismailis helped them with all provisions. About this time, the Ismailis occupied Damghan, the capital town of the province of Kumis near Girdkuh. In the meantime, Jalaluddin Khwarazmshah tried vainly to restore his broken kingdom in 622/1225. He charged Nishapur to his officer, Orkhan, who subsequently entrusted it to his one deputy, who massacred the Ismaili settlements in Kohistan. It seems that after some initial hostilities, a peace treaty was negotiated in 624/1227 between the Ismailis and Khwarazamshah. According to the truce, the Ismailis were allowed to retain their hold on Damghan in return for the payment of an annual tribute of 30,000 dinars. Orkhan however continued his enmity, therefore, three Ismaili fidais once fell upon him and killed him outside the city in a reprisal for raids against the Ismaili settlements in Kohistan. The three fidais were arrested and killed. Muhammad Nasawi (d. 645/1250) writes in Sirat-i Jalaluddin (Tehran, 1965, p. 232) that the three fidais with their last breaths, shouted: "We are sacrifices for our Lord Alauddin."

It was at this time that Badruddin Ahmad, the envoy of Alamut, was on his way to see Jalaluddin Khwarazmshah. Hearing of these occurrences, he wrote to vizir Sharf al-Mulk, asking his advice on whether to continue his journey or turn back. The vizir, fearing for his life, was too happy to welcome the Ismaili envoy. He therefore urged the envoy to join him and promised to do all he could to help him in his mission. The two now travelled together. When they reached the plain of Serat, in a moment of abandon at an eating session, Badruddin said: "Even here in your own army, we have our fidais, who are well established and pass as your own men." Sharf al-Mulk insisted eagerly on seeing them, and gave him his kerchief as a token of safe-conduct and immunity. Badruddin thereupon summoned five fidais, and when they came one of them, an Indian, said to Sharf al-Mulk: "I would have been able to kill you, I did not do so, because I had not yet received orders to deal with you." When Sharf al-Mulk heard these words, he cast off his cloak and sat before them in his shirt and said: "I am the slave of Alauddin as I am the sultan Jalaluddin's slave, and here I am before you. Do with me as you will." Words of this reached the Jalaluddin, who at once sent orders to burn the five fidais alive. It seems that the Ismaili envoy, Badruddin cut down his way and returned to Alamut, while the vizir pleaded for mercy for them, but of no avail, and was forced to comply with sultan's orders. A great fire was kindled at the entrance of his tent, and the five fidais were thrown into it, and the name of Imam Alauddin Muhammad was on their lips with their last breaths.

In Alamut, the Ismailis took its serious notice and resolved to confront once for all with Jalaluddin Khwarazmshah in reprisal, but Imam Alauddin Muhammad efficiently tackled the situation. He sent his envoy, Salauddin to vizir Sharf al-Mulk at Bardha'a. Nasawi (d. 645/1250) personally witnessed the aftermath and writes, "I was with Sharaf al-Mulk at Bardha'a, when an envoy called Salauddin came to him from Alamut and said: "You have burnt five of our fidais. If you value your safety, you must pay a bloodwit of 10,000 dinars for each of them." These words appalled and terrified Sharaf al-Mulk, so that he became incapable of thought and action. He favoured the envoy all others with generous gifts and splendid honours, and ordered me to write him an official letter, reducing by 10,000 dinars the annual tributes of 30,000 dinars which they were supposed to bring to the sultan's treasury. Sharaf al-Mulk then affixed his seal to the document." (op. cit., pp. 163-6)

On one occasion, Muhammad Nasawi was sent as an envoy of Jalaluddin to Alamut to demand the balance of the tribute that was owing for Damghan, and to settle other points of dispute. He succeeded to have his nice meetings with Imam Alauddin Muhammad and his vizir Imaduddin at Alamut.

Nasawi described his mission with satisfaction in his Sirat-i Jalaluddin (pp. 232-3) that, "Alauddin Muhammad favoured me above all the other envoys of the sultan, treating me with great respect and beauty. He dealt generously with me, and gave me twice the usual amount in gifts and robes of honour. This is an honourable man. Generosity to such a man is never wasted. The value of what was bestowed on me, in cash and in kind, was near 3000 dinars, including two robes of honour, each consisting of a satin cloak, a hood, a fur and a cape, one lined with satin and the other with Chinese crepe; two belts of 200 dinars weight; 70 pieces of cloth; two horses with saddles, bridles and harness and pommels; a thousand dinars in gold; four caparisoned horses; a string of Bactrian camels; and thirty robes of honour for my suite." From the narratives of Muhammad Nasawi, it appears that he obtained only a compromise solution during his meetings, He however, describes his mission with extreme satisfaction.

The Ismailis acquired new regions in Gilan and entered Ruyan. The Baduspanid ruler, Fakhr ad-Dawla Namavar bin Bisutun, who had succeeded his father shortly before 620/1223 was obliged to leave Ruyan. On the other hand, the relation between the Rudhbari Ismailis and the Qazwinis was also restored.

According to Jamiut Tawarikh (p. 181), Imam Alauddin Muhammad procured a close association with a Sufi Shaikh of Qazwin, Jamaluddin Gili (d. 651/1253) and sent him an annual grant of 500 gold dinars; who according to Dabistan al-Mazahib (1:265), had privily espoused Ismailism. The attitude of the Muslims of Qazwin in this context became more aggressive, therefore, Imam Alauddin Muhammad had to warn them that, "If the abode of Shaikh Jamaluddin was not in Qazwin, I would have not spared even the dust of your town."

In Syria, Rashiduddin Sinan was succeeded in 589/1193 by an Iranian da'i Abu Mansur bin Muhammad. William of Tyre describes in 582/1186 the visit of Henry, Count of Champagne (d. 593/1197), the ruler of Jerusalem, and the husband of the widow of Conrad of Montferrat, who passed on his way from Acre to Antioch, near the territories of the Syrian Ismailis in 590/1194. Abu Mansur bin Muhammad sent deputies to welcome him, and to invite him to visit his fortress of Kahf on his return. Count Henry accepted the invitation. Abu Mansur received him with great honour. He took him to several castles and fortresses and brought him at last to one having very lofty turrets. On each look-out stood two Ismaili guards, dressed in white uniforms. Abu Mansur told the Count that these fidais obeyed him better than the Christians did their princes; and giving a signal, two of them instantly leaped from the top of the tower, and were dashed to pieces at its foot. "If you desire it," said Abu Mansur to the astonished Count, "all my fidais shall throw themselves down from the battlements in the same way." Count Henry declined and confessed that he could not expect such obedience in his servants. The spirit of self-sacrificing demonstrated before Count Henry purported to dissuade him from contemplating any ill design against the lsmailis. The historicity of this incident is however doubtful. Nevertheless, it became famous in Europe by the end of the 13th century. It is cited in the Latin history of Marino Sanudo Torsello and Francesco Pipino of Bologna. Arnold of Lubeck presents the event as a customary demonstration of loyalty in the lsmailism. Georgius Elmacin (d. 671/1273) however, erroneously transposed the event to the Iranian Ismailis of Hasan bin Sabbah.

The names of several chief da'is who led the Syrian Ismailis, are known to us from the inscriptions at Masiyaf, Kahf and other strongholds, vide Epigraphie des Assassins de Syrie (JA, 9 series, ix, 1897, pp. 453-501) by Max van Berchem (1863-1903). According to an inscription in the inner gate of the castle, a building was restored by Kamaluddin al-Hasan bin Masud. Another inscription reads that a da'i Majduddin received the ambassadors of Frederick II in 624/1227, bringing gifts worth almost 80,000 dinars. The descriptions of da'i Sirajuddin Muzaffar bin al-Hussain are found in the year 625/1228 and 635/1238. Tajuddin Abul Futuh bin Muhammad, an Iranian da'i from Alamut came in 637/1240, who built the city wall of the Masiyaf and its south gate in 646/1249 when the commander of the fortress was Abdullah bin Abil Fazal bin Abdullah. Ibn Wasil (d. 697/1298), the author of Mufarrid al-Kurub, a native of central Syria, was also personally acquainted with Tajuddin Abul Futuh.

An important happening in this period relates to the dealings between Tajuddin Abul Futuh bin Muhammad, the chief da'i in Syria and the French king Louis IX (1226-1270), who led the seventh Crusade (1249-1250). Jean de Joinville (1224-1317), the king's biographer in his Histoire de Saint Louis (comp. 1305) makes a record for the year 648/1250 that king Louis came in Acre in 1250 and stayed four years in Palestine after his early defeat in Egypt. The Ismaili chief da'i sent the Fench king: "a very well made figure of an elephant, another of an animal called giraffe, and apples of different kinds, all of which were of crystal. With these he sent gaming boards and sets of chessman. All these objects were profusely decorated with little flowers made of amber, which were attached to the crystal by delicately fashioned clips of good fine gold, a shirt and a ring." The Ismaili envoys told the king: "Sir, we have come back from our chief, who informs you that as the shirt is the part of dress nearest to the body, he sends you this, his shirt, as a gift, or a symbol that you are the king for whom he has the greatest affection, and which he is most desirous to cultivate; and, for a further assurance of it, here is his ring that he sends you, which is of pure gold, and has his name engraved on it; and with this ring our chief espouses you, and understands that henceforth you be one of the fingers of his hand."

The Ismaili envoys asked the king either to pay tribute to them or at least release them from paying tribute to the Templars and Hospitallers. The French however did not pay tribute to the Ismailis of Syria, who continued to pay their own tribute to the Templars and Hospitallers. Desiring to procure close ties with the Syrian Ismailis, the king Saint Louis responded to their peace initiative by sending his ambassadors with gifts to the Ismaili chief. This Frankish mission also included an Arabic-speaking friar, Yves the Breton. It was in the course of his meetings with the Ismaili chief Tajuddin Abul Futuh, held at Masiyaf, that Yves asked the articles of the Ismaili faith and reported back to the king as he understood. It is curious that Yves the Breton wrongly reported the king the Ismaili beliefs in nonsense, incredible and baseless colouring.

In 624/1227, Chenghiz Khan conquered eastern region of Iran, but the Ismailis of Kohistan were unaffected by the initial phase of the operations and continued to enjoy their prosperity. On that juncture, an increasing number of the Sunni Muslim refugees, including numerous ulema of Khorasan, had ferruled asylum in the Ismaili towns of Kohistan. The Ismailis welcomed the flood of the refugees, and assisted them with their own resources. In Kohistan, the Ismailis maintained an island of prosperity and stability from which all benefited. The visiting Sunni jurist and historian, Minhaj Siraj Juzjani (d. 685/1286), who spent his earlier years in the services of the Ghorid dynasty in India. He visited Kohistan three times between 621/1224 and 623/1226. He writes in his Tabaqat-i Nasiri (comp. 658/1260) that Shihabuddin bin Mansur Abul Fateh, the learned Ismaili governor of Kohistan was lavish in his treatment to these Sunni refugees in his mountain fastnesses. He further writes in Tabaqat-i Nasiri (tr. by Ghulam Rasul Maher, Lahore, 1975, 2:230-31) that, "I found him a person of infinite learning with wisdom, science, and philosophy, in such wise, that a philosopher and sage like unto him there was not in the territory of Khorasan. He used greatly to cherish poor strangers and travellers; and such Muslims of Khorasan as had come into proximity with him he was wont to take under his guardianship and protection. On this account his assemblies contained some of the most distinguished of the ulema of Khorasan; and he had treated all of them with honour and reverence, and showed them much kindness. They stated to this effect, that, during those first two or three years of anarchy in Khorasan, one thousand honorary dresses, and seven hundred horses, with trappings, had been received from his treasury and stables by ulema and poor strangers."

It is however recounted that the local Ismailis of Kohistan lodged complaints to Alamut about the negative effects of the generous hospitality from the state treasury. Thus, Shihabuddin was summoned at Alamut, and a new governor, Shamsuddin Hussain Ikhtiyar was appointed instead. The latter also came to be equally admired by the Muslim refugees because of similar lavish treatment, but he was not called back to Alamut. It evidently implies that the principal cause of the replacement was due to some other reasons. Shihabuddin himself was also a learned scholar, and his one scribe in Kohistan, called Ra'is al-Hasan bin Saleh Munshi Birjandi, had compiled the Ismaili history which was used by Rashiduddin in Jamiut Tawarikh.

The arrival of Shamsuddin Hasan at Kohistan marked with the outbreak of new conflicts between the Ismailis and their Sistan neighbours. Yaminuddin Bahram Shah bin Taj al-Din Harb (610-618/1213-1221), the local Nasrid chief of Sistan, had previously waged two wars against Alamut during the time of Imam Jalaluddin Hasan; and his nephew had sold the fortress of Shahanshah near the town of Nih to Alamut. Yaminuddin demanded from the Ismailis of Kohistan to give up the claim of the fortress, and threatened to capture it by force. Before the invasion of Yaminuddin on Kohistan, the four fidais had killed him on 5th Rabi II, 618/May 29, 1221 at Zarang.

It was followed immediately by the succession issue in Sistan among the sons of Yaminuddin. The Ismailis of Kohistan supported Ruknuddin against his younger brother Nusratuddin, whom the notables placed on the throne. Like his father, Nusratuddin continued his claim on the fortress of Shahanshah. Soon afterwards, Ruknuddin gained the throne of Sistan with the help of the Ismailis in 619/1222. In the meantime, the Mongols invaded Sistan without staying there, and Ruknuddin had also been killed by his slave. The notables of Sistan put on the throne Shihabuddin bin Harb and his brother Ali, to the dissatisfaction of the Ismailis, who again had their own candidate, Uthman Shah bin Nasiruddin Uthman. They acquired support from Khwarazmian commander, called Tajuddin Yinaltagin, who was then stationed at Kirman, for the rights of Uthman. Yinaltagin arrived in 622/1225 at Sistan with his troops, and defeated the forces of Sistan. Instead of placing Uthman on the throne, Yinaltagin retained this power with him for almost a decade.

Thus, Shamsuddin, the Ismaili governor of Kohistan commanded his forces in a battle against Yinaltagin, and inflicted a defeat to him in 623/1226. It was after this battle against Yinaltagin, who deputed Minhaj Siraj Juzjani as his envoy to conduct diplomatic negotiations with the Ismailis of Kohistan. Minhaj Siraj concluded a truce with Shamsuddin at Nih on behalf of Yinaltagin, and as a result, the Ismailis pursued an independent policy in its local affairs, and developed important trade route with other regions, which were the source of acceleration of their economical conditions. When Minhaj Siraj returned to Sistan after negotiations, Yinaltagin forced him to go once again to Kohistan to declare a war against the Ismailis, but he did not consent to set out on a second journey, as he had determined upon undertaking a journey into India. This refusal did not meet with the approval of Yinaltagin and he commanded to detain him for 43 days in the fort of Safhad of Sistan and prohibited his going beyond the walls.

In the meantime, Alamut gave refuge to Ozbeg's son, Malik Khamush, and to Jalaluddin's brother Ghiasuddin, who were dismissed from their posts by the Khwarazmshah in 625/1228. The Ismailis helped Ghiasuddin despite the Khawarazmian blockade of Rudhbar, but he was there murdered.

In 625/1228, while the Ismaili envoy Badruddin was travelling east across the Oxus to Mongol court, Jalaluddin Khwarazmshah ordered at once to stop all the caravans in that direction, pretending that a Mongol envoy was on his way to Syria in the company of some Ismailis. In compliance, his vizir Sharaf al-Mulk put to death in Azerbaijan a westward Syrian Ismaili caravan of seventy merchants. Hence, Alamut sent an emissary to the Khwarazmshah, demanding successfully retrieval of the goods taken from the murdered Syrian Ismailis. In the meantime, Ghiasuddin took flight from Alamut which had enraged Jalaluddin Khwarazmshah.

The pact between Imam Jalaluddin Hasan and the Mongols, as hinted by Juvaini and explicitly described by Rashiduddin, became impaired afterwards. In 635/1238, Imam Alauddin Muhammad dispatched an embassy, in cooperation with the Abbasid caliph al-Mustansir (d. 640/1242) to Louis IX (d. 1270), the king of France, and Henry III (d. 1272), the king of England, to report the incoming stormy inroads of the Mongols, and to evaluate possibility of an alliance with the Christian West against the Mongols. Mathew Paris (d. 1259) has written in his Chronica Majora (ed. by Henry R. Luard, London, 1876, 3:487-9) the account of this embassy in England. The Bishop of Winchester, who was present at the audience, interrupted the envoy's appeal with harsh words, reflecting the hostile policy of the church against the Muslims.

After this rebuff by the West, the Ismailis made their final approach to the Mongol's court. In summer of 643/1246, on the enthronement of Guyuk (1246-1248), the next new Mongol's chief; Imam Alauddin Muhammad, along with the Abbasid caliph al-Mustasim (640-656/1242-1258) and many other Muslim rulers, sent a mission in the Khangai mountains in Central Mongolia. The Ismaili ambassadors, Shihabuddin and Shamsuddin, the former governors of Kohistan delivered a memorandum to Guyuk. Neither they nor the Abbasid ambassador were well received, and on that juncture, the Mongol demonstrated a negative attitude towards the Muslim rules.

Soon afterwards, Guyuk dispatched Eligidei to Iran at the head of reinforcements for the Mongol armies already stationing there, with instructions to assume supreme command in reducing the Muslim holds, beginning with Alamut. Guyuk intended to follow after, but his death prevented the operations, which was charged some six years later, to his nephew and successor Mongke (1251-1259), who appointed his brother Halagu (1256-1265) to command an army to Iran, Iraq and Egypt according to the resolution of the Mongol National Assembly (quriltai) held in 649/1251. Halagu did not reach Iran before the beginning of 654/1256, but had dispatched an advance army of 12,000 men from Mongolia in 650/1252 in command of Ket-Buqa to join with the Mongol garrison already camping in Iran. Ket-Buqa crossed the Oxus in 651/1253 and soon afterwards, attacked the Ismaili strongholds in Kohistan. His troops drove off the cattle of the people of Tun, Turshiz and Zir-kuh and slaughtered and pillaged throughout that region. The towns of Tun and Turshiz were however captured, but the Ismailis recovered Tun very soon. Ket-Buqa also reached at the foot of Girdkuh with 5,000 men, where he constructed elaborate siege works, digging a trench around the castle, and erecting a wall around the trench. The men then formed a ring behind that wall, and a second wall and a trench were constructed around the men, so that they were apparently left secure in the middle with no possibility of attack from either side.

Leaving his officer, Buri with the charge of siege at Girdkuh, Ket-Buqa proceeded to attack the castle of Mihrin, near Girdkuh and Shahdiz. In Shawal, 651/December, 1253, the Ismaili garrison of Girdkuh made a valiant nocturnal assault on the Mongols, killing a hundred of them, including Buri. The siege however continued and in the interim, the disease of cholera broke out in the summer of 652/1254. It was reported to Alamut that most of the garrisons were perishing and the castle was on the verge of falling. Imam Alauddin Muhammad immediately supplied reinforcements, including his three officers at the head of 110 men, each carrying a load of two maunds of henna (Latin Lawsonia inermis, Arabic hinna, the shrub) and three maunds of salt. The garrison's stock of salt had been exhausted, and as for the henna, we are told by the author of Jamiut Tawarikh, himself a physician, that there had not been prescribed in the books of medicine that henna was a drug against cholera. The people of Girdkuh had an experience however that once water being scarce, some of them had drunk that henna water and were cured. It was for this reason that they had asked for henna from Alamut. The 110 men forced their way through the ranks of the besiegers, suffering only a single casualty; one of them fell into the trench and dislocated his leg; his comrades lifted him on to their shoulders and carried him into the castle. The garrison, thus restored to its full strength, and continued its resistance until 659/1270.

Halagu was yet in Samarkand and was about to cross Oxus on the eve of the death of Imam Alauddin Muhammad, who, according to Peter Brent, might have been strong enough to resist for a long time against the Mongols, vide The Mongol Empire (London, 1976, p. 135)

Shamsuddin bin Ahmad al-Tayyibi (592-652/1195-1254) was an eminent Ismaili poet in Syria. He travelled excessively in Iran and visited Alamut during the period of Imam Alauddin Muhammad, where he served as a court-poet. His poetical works are not accessible. He left Alamut most probably after the death of Imam Alauddin Muhammad, and returned to Syria, where he died.

Imam Alauddin Muhammad's rule was long and prosperous. It was a period of both intellectual and political activity. The glory of his rule was the patronage of science and learning, attracted a bulk of scholars from outside. He was fond of shepherding and used to visit the villages to help the people in their dairy products and the cattle breeding. His old enemies conspired through his close advisor, Hasan Mazandaran, who killed the Imam on 29th Shawal, 653/December 1, 1255. His body was found at midnight in a wooden hut, near his sheep-fold in the village of Shirkuh in the western part of the district of Alamut. Imam Alauddin Muhammad had many sons whose detail is not accessible. It is however known from Juvaini that Shahanshah, Shiranshah and Iranshah were his sons, and the elder one was Ruknuddin Khurshah, who was consigned the office of Imamate.

Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral ALAUDDIN, 31è PIR SEYYEDName

Son of Hayder Ali. Named by Imam Abuzar Ali. Travelled to Afghanistan and Badakshan. Died during the time of Imam Zulfikar Ali.

Fils de Hayder Ali. Nommé par l'Imam Abuzar Ali. Voyagea en Afghanistan et Badakshan. Mourut à l'époque de l'Imam Zulfikar Ali.

Heritage Dictionary of ismailism, entry #146general ALAUDDIN, SEYYEDName

14/15th Centurey. One of the 19 children of Pir HK. Buried in Multan.

14/15e S. Un des 19 enfants de Pir HK. Enterré à Multan.

Heritage Dictionary of ismailism, entry #147general AlbelaEncyclopedia Topic

Beautiful, young

Various Sources AleEncyclopedia Topic

Green, gives

Various Sources ALENoun

Donner. (Sami alé soso war)

Heritage Dictionary of Ismailism, entry #433general AlgaEncyclopedia Topic

Far, distant, separate

Various Sources Alga / Algo / AlgiEncyclopedia Topic

Separate, detached

Various Sources AlgunEncyclopedia Topic

Separate, far

Various Sources AliEncyclopedia Topic

After giving, having given, high, exalted

Various Sources ALI AKBAR BEG, 38E. PIR.Name

Son of Pir Mehrab Beg*. Named by Imam Hassanali. Died after a few years of Piratan.His brother Sayyed Ali Ashgar Beg became PIR after Ali Akbar Bed died. See ginans 298, 513.

Fils de Pir Mehrab Beg*. Nommé par l'Imam Hassanali. Mourut après qq. années de Piratan et fut suivi de son frère Seyyed Ali Ashgar Beg. V. g. 298, 513.

Heritage Dictionary of ismailism, entry #148general ALI ASHGAR BEG, 39E PIR SEYYEDName

Son of Pir Mehrab Beg and brother of Pir Ali Akbar Beg. Last Pir in the lineage of descendants from Pir Hayder Ali.

Fils de Pir Mehrab Beg et frère de Pir Ali Akbar Beg. Dernier de la lignée des Pir descendants de Pir Hayder Ali.

Heritage Dictionary of ismailism, entry #149general ALI B. MUHAMMAD AL-SULAHIName

(429/1037-483/1080 or 410/1020-459/1067) Dai and founder of the Ismaili Sulayhide dynasty which ruled Yemen from 1037 to 1139. For detailed English text on ALI B. MUHAMMAD AL-SULAHI click here

(429/1037-483/1080) (ou 410/1020-459/1067?) Dai et fondateur de la dynastie ismaélienne sulayhide qui régna au Yémen de 1037 à 1139.

Heritage Dictionary of ismailism, entry #393general ALI BIN ABU TALIB (11-40/632-661), 1ST IMAMEncyclopedia Topic

"Ali, the son of Abu Talib and the cousin of the Prophet was born on Friday, the 13th Rajab in the 28th year of A'am al-fil (the year of elephants) or 600 A.D. inside Kaba in Mecca. He was brought up under the subtle care and affection of the Prophet. Ali himself cherished the memory of his childhood by saying: "The Prophet brought me up in his own arms and fed me with his own morsel. I followed him, wherever he went, like a baby-camel which follows its mother. Each day a new aspect of his character would beam out of his noble person and I would accept it and follow it as commanded." Ibn Abid Hadid (d. 655/1257) quotes Ibn Abbas as relating that the Prophet and Ali loved each other intensely. The Prophet was so fond of Ali that once when Ali was a young boy, he sent him out on some errand, and Ali took long time to return; he started getting worried and prayed to God, "O'Lord, do not let me die unless I behold Ali once again."

Ahmad bin Hanbal writes that, "There are not as many verses and traditions in the praise of any other companion of the Prophet as there are in the praise of Ali bin Abu Talib." Ibn Abbas says that, "There have not descended as many verses about anybody as have revealed about Ali." On another occasion Ibn Abbas narrates, "Three hundred verses of the Koran have been revealed in favour of Ali." Abdullah bin Ayyash bin Abu Rabiah says, "Ali's knowledge and insight were perfect and he was the first to embrace Islam and he has the honour of being the son-in-law of the Messenger of God. He alone had perfect ability to understand the traditions. He was very brave in fighting and very generous in charity." "The Muslim scholars unanimously concur with the fact," says Ahmad bin Hanbal in his Masnad, "that not one of the companions of the Prophet was ever praised by God and His Prophet for his virtues and estimation as was Ali." On one occasion when four of the Muslims complained to the Prophet concerning something that Ali had done, the Prophet was displeased and said, "What do you want from Ali? Ali is from me and I am from Ali. He is the guardian of every believer after me." (Tirmizi, 2:298) On another occasion, the Prophet is reported to have said, "Ali is my brother, my executor and my successor. You obey him" (Tabari, 2:63).

Regarding the first man to profess faith in the prophetic mission, Ibn Hisham (1:245), Tabari (2:56) etc. write that Ali bin Abu Talib was the first male to accept Islam. While Nuruddin Ali bin Ibrahim Shafayee writes in Sirat-i Halabiya that, "Ali was like a son unto the Prophet, therefore, his faith from very start was the faith professed by the Prophet." Masudi (d. 346/958) writes in his Muruj adh-Dhahab (2:283) that, "The general conscientious of opinion amongst the Muslim historians and theologians is that Ali was never a non-Muslim or prayed before idols, therefore, the question of his embracing Islam does not and cannot arise."

In 614 A.D. about four years after his divine call, the Prophet summoned his close relatives. Thus, Ali prepared a banquet, a lamb and a bowl of milk for the entertainment of forty Hashimite guests. When the Prophet asked the assembly, who will assist him in his mission, no answer was returned. It was only Ali on that occasion stood up to offer his services for the cause of Islam.

During the night of the Prophet's migration from Mecca, it was indeed a most dangerous moment for Ali, when he volunteered to sleep fearlessly in Prophet's bed. The task was not a small undertaking for a young man, but Ali showed an unflinching fidelity. He was called upon to deputize the Prophet at the risk of his own life, for it was highly probable that the assassins, furious at being foiled of their chief objective would kill Ali in his stead. Tabari (2:163) writes that, "Ali's willingness to sacrifice his life for the Prophet is unique in the history of mankind."

During the 2nd year of migration, Ali's betrothal took place with Prophet's daughter Fatima, which had been actualized in the month of Ramzan, but the nuptial ceremonies were performed two months later without pomp and ostentation. Ali at the time of marriage was 21 years, 5 months and 15 days old, while Fatima was 15 years, 5 months and 15 days old.

Ali is said to have taken part in all the battles with the exception of the expedition of Tabuk. His dauntless courage, fortitude and unflinching loyalty made him the main hero of all these campaigns. It was the valour of Ali and the strength of his arms that turned the table at critical juncture in the battlefield, and it was the victories won by him that ensured the triumph of Islam over polytheism. On several occasions, he fought single-handed against overwhelming odds and emerged out victorious.

During the conquest of Mecca, the Prophet entered Kaba and removed 360 idols. The Meccans looked on aghast while the Prophet, with a stroke of stick held in hand, smashed the idols, which lay in the lower cavities of the walls. To break those idols, which were placed higher up, out of reach of either hand or stick, the Prophet solicited the help of Ali. Ibn Sa'd (3:13) and other compilers of hadiths, like Tirmizi (2:299) and Ibn Majah (p. 12) write that the Prophet said, "Ascend on my shoulders and then shatter with this stick all the idols which are placed up above." Ali placed his feet on the shoulders of the Prophet and completed the great purge. He cast down all the idols, relics of the age of ignorance, also climbed to the top of the Kaba and pulled Hubal from its place and threw it down.

The succession to the Prophet is the key question in Shi'ite Islam, and a principal factor separating them from the Sunnis. The Prophet left Mecca on 14th Zilhaja, 10 after performance of pilgrimage. His caravan reached a little before noon to Ghadir al-Khum on 18th Zilhaja, 10/March 16, 632. Here, the Prophet declared Ali bin Abu Talib as his successor after receiving the Koranic revelation (5:67).

There was an assembly hall (saqeefa), about 6 miles from Medina, belonging to Banu Sa'd, where the Arabs used to discuss their mutual problems. Upon the death of the Prophet, the Ansars and Muhajirs of Medina, numbering about 300 to 325, had assembled at Saqeefa Banu Sa'd to choose their leader. There was not a single man from Banu Hashim. Abu Bakr and Umar bin Khattab also joined during the time when the people were about to take an oath of allegiance from Abu Ubaidah as their caliph. The proceeding stopped and a hot argument started among them. Historian Tabari (3:198) writes, "The Ansars or some were arguing that they would never take oath from anybody except Ali". When the swords were about to unshield, Umar bin Khattab asked Abu Bakr to raise his hand, and took oath of allegiance, then Abu Ubaidah and the rest of people followed it.

Abu Bakr was thus elected at the age of 60 years. During his period, whatever initial support there may have been for Ali's candidature melted away in the face of Ali's own refusal to advance the temporal claim. Ali reverted to leading a quiet life, almost confined to the four walls of his house. He had no choice but to reconcile himself with the existing order, since he had considered that any action would lead to the destruction of infant Islam. His compromise with the political order can be well asserted from the fact that he did not demonstrate any sort of opposition and continued to live in Medina. Abu Bakr died in 13/634 after ruling for 2 years, 3 months and 10 days. He nominated Umar, whose age at that time was 52 years, ruled for 10 years, 6 months and 4 days; and died in 23/644. The third caliph Uthman was selected at the age of 70 years, who was assassinated in 35/656 after ruling for 11 years, 11 months and 14 days. Wardi writes in Wu'az al-Salatin (p. 217) that, "It was the Umayyad who engineered the murder of Uthman, with Muawiya instigating the murder and Marwan working out the death." Immediately after the murder of Uthman, a crowd rushed to Ali in the mosque, urging him to accept the caliphate. Eventually, Ali consented and became the fourth caliph. This implies that the temporal and spiritual powers once again joined together about 24 years, 8 month and 28 days after the death of the Prophet.

Ali bin Abu Talib was placed in a difficult time, and the dice of fate appears to have been loaded against him. The period of four caliphs were subdivided into four distinct periods. It falls to the lot of Ali that he should pilot the bark of Islam in times of the most dangerous internecine dissensions. To maintain a proper hold of state administration under such conditions was a difficult as to keep a boat steady on stormy waters. Nevertheless, Ali displayed a high example of affection and sympathy for brother-Muslims, which is without parallel.

During Uthman's caliphate, all the important governorships of the Muslim states were in the possession of the unworthy members of the Umayyad family. Ali dismissed them in the state, but Muawiya the governor of Syria revolted, demanding "revenge for the blood of Uthman." Ali announced that the names of the assassins should be reported, so that they could be executed. He had also started enquiries, but the only witness to the assassination was Uthman's widow, Naila, who deposed that two persons whose names she did not know had killed Uthman.

After Ali had taken over as caliph, exactly what he had anticipated took place. Muawiya exercised the motives of old enmity towards Ali. The charge of Uthman's murder was trumpeted up against Ali and afforded Muawiya's excuse enough to unfurl the standard of revolt against him. Muawiya incited the Syrians against Ali to a feverish pitch by indoctrinating them with a belief in the false charge against Ali.

Ali had hardly breathed a sigh of relief when he was confronted with the series of military expeditions against the fronts of A'isha, Muawiya and Kharijis, i.e., battle of Camel, Siffin and Nahrawan, which are described elsewhere.

Ali's stay in Basra was not long after the battle of Camel. Having appointed Abdullah bin Abbas as the governor, Ali repaired to Kufa in 36/657 and made it the seat of his government and the capital.

Many of the Kharijis, after the battle of Nahrawan, had gone to Mecca, where they had frequent political meetings in the holy sanctuary, devising plans to avenge their relatives who had fallen in Nahrawan. Abdur Rahman bin Muljam agreed to kill Ali. He went to the cathedral mosque of Kufa just before the break of dawn, where he took up his position in the narrow passage leading to the mosque and waited for Ali to enter. The moment Ali set foot in the mosque, while it was still dark, the assassin attacked with the sword, but missed. When Ali was in prostration, Abdur Rahman struck Ali the point of his poisoned sword and fled away. Shortly afterwards the congregation began to assemble in the mosque for the dawn prayers, and there they found Ali lying wounded on his prayer mat. Abdur Rahman was soon arrested, but no antidote could be found for the poison and Ali's condition rapidly deteriorated, and died on 21st Ramzan, 40/January 29, 661 at the age of 63 years, and bequeathed the office of Imamate to his son Hussain. The period of Ali's caliphate lasted for 4 years and 9 months, and the period of his Imamate since the death of the Prophet was for 29 years.

His first wife was Fatima, the only daughter of the Prophet, during whose lifetime, he did not marry any other lady. By Fatima, he had three sons, Hasan, Hussain and Mohsin, who died in infancy; and two daughters, Zainab and Umm Kulsum. By his wife, Umm Banin bint Hizam, Ali had four sons, viz. Abbas, Jafar, Abdullah and Uthman. By Layla bint Masud, he had Ubaidullah and Abu Bakr. By Asma bint Umyas, he had Yahya and Muhammad Asghar. By Umm Habiba bint Rabia, he had one son, Umar and a daughter, Ruqaiya. By Amama bint Abil Aas, he had a son, named Muhammad al-Awasat. By Khawla bint Jafar bin Qais al-Hanafiya, he had Muhammad Akbar, who was known as Muhammad ibn Hanafiya. By Umm Sa'id bint Urwa bin Masud, he had Ummul Hasan and Ramla.

Despite his engagements in the civil wars, Ali however made many reformations in the state. He was the first to realize land revenue from peasants. He exempted taxes on horse-trade to promote its trade. He included forests as a source of revenue for the first time, and necessary tax was imposed on it. He reserved a specific part in poor-rate for the poor. He codified Islamic laws for the judges, and set up courts in every province. Ali was the first to make metalled roads in the state, and constructed many forts, notably Astkhar fort. He reorganized the army and erected military posts everywhere. He was the first to build a strong bridge on river Euphrates. Ali's period is also acclaimed for the promotion of education, and he was the first to patronize education and as a result, about 2000 students in Kufa got free scholarship.

By putting together the evidence from a variety of sources, one sees that Ali bin Abu Talib attempted to start the Islamic coins during his caliphate, which could not be continued due to the then political cataclysm in the Islamic state. Maurice Lombard writes in The Golden Age of Islam (Netherlands, 1975, p. 110) that, "The Caliph Ali was the first to attempt a reform, at Basra in 660, by introducing a Muslim dhiram with the inscriptions in Kufic script, but this attempt failed."

It is difficult to design a portrait of the qualities and merits of Ali bin Abu Talib, for he was a paragon of virtues and fount of knowledge. He was indeed a living encyclopaedia of learning. The Sufis traced their esoteric chains back to Ali. Abu Nasr Abdullah Sarraj writes in Kitab al-Luma fi't-Tasawwuf (ed. Nicholson, London, 1914, p.129) that when Junaid Baghdadi (d. 298/910) was asked about Ali's knowledge in esoteric field, he said, "Had Ali been less engaged in wars, he might have contributed greatly to our knowledge of esoteric things for he was one who had been vouchsafed ilm al-ladunni (divine knowledge)."

Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral ALI IBN AL-FAZLName

(9th Century) Converted at the same time as Ibn Hawshab* by Imam Raziyuddin Abdullah, who sent them both as missionaries to Yemen in 268/882.

(9è S). Converti en même temps que Ibn Hawshab* par l'Imam Raziyuddin Abdullah qui les envoya tous deux comme missionaires au Yémen en 268/882.

Heritage Dictionary of ismailism, entry #150general ALI, HaZRaT (GENEALOGIE)Name

See Asal Du'a by Pir Sadardin.

V. ASaL DU'A de Pir Sadardin qui donne 77 PATRa (Noms).

Heritage Dictionary of ismailism, entry #1000general ALI, HAZRAT IMAMName

(600-661 A.D.) Imam in 619. Born in the Kabba, son of Imam Abu Talib* and Fatima b. Asad*. Married Fatima and had 4 children, including Om Kulsum and Zainab. He married 9 other women after Fatima and had 14 sons and 19 daughters. The Imamat was declared by Divine Order at Gadir-e-Khum. He won the battle of Khayber in 629 and protected the Prophet in numerous other battles including Honayn, Ohod, Badr etc., as well as against Aisha (Jamal) and Muawiya (Siffin). Accompanied all the prophets, although was never revealed. Assassinated by Muljim in Kufa.

(600-661 A.D.) Imam en 619. Né dans la Kaaba. Fils de l'Imam Abou Talib* et Fatima b. Asad*. Epousa Fatima qui eut 4 enfants dont Um Kulsum et Zainab. Il épousa 9 femmes après Fatima, 14 fils et 19 filles. Imamat déclaré à Gadir è Khum sur Ordre Divin. Fit gagner la bataille de Khayber* en 629. Protégea le Prophète Dans toutes les batailles: Honayn, Ohod, Badr etc. Contre Aisha (Jamal) et Muawiya (Siffin). Etait secret avec tous les Prophètes. Assasiné par Muljim a Kufa.

Heritage Dictionary of ismailism, entry #163general ALIDSEncyclopedia Topic

The descendants of Ali bin Abu Talib, not by Fatima, but from other wives, are known as the Alids (Alawi). He had 18 sons, but 14 sons according to Tabari, and 11 sons according to Masudi. His sons were as follows:- By Fatima, Hasan, Hussain and Muhsin, by Khawla Muhammad, known as Ibn al-Hanafiya, by Umm al-Banin, Abbas, Abdullah, Uthman and Jafar, by al-Sahba, Umar, by Layla bint Masud, Abu Bakr, Abdur Rehman, Ubaidullah, by Asma bin Umays, Yahya, Awn and Muhammad, by Umam bin Abil A'asm Muhammad, and by other mothers, Jafar, Abbas, Umar, Uthman, Muhammad.

The sons of Ali from Fatima, were called the Hussainids and Fatimids, and the sons by other wives became known as the Alids.

Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral AlieEncyclopedia Topic

Pay, give, offer

Various Sources ALIGARH UNIVERSITYEncyclopedia Topic

"Imam Sultan Muhammad Shah made his debut as an educational reformer, and visited The Mohammadan Anglo Oriental College in Aligarh (high fort), about 79 miles south-east of Delhi, on November 22, 1896 and had a productive meeting with Sir Syed Ahmad Khan (1817-1898), who was a great educationist and socialist. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan had founded the Aligarh College on November 1, 1875, and was the vice-President of the College Fund Committee as well as its Honorary Secretary. Willi Frischauer also writes in The Aga Khans (London, 1970, pp. 56-7) that, "How wonderful if Aligarh could become a full university to bring up a generation of young leaders and advance the cause of Islam. Here was a chance to follow in the footsteps of his ancestor who had founded al-Azhar, the first Muslim university, which greatly appealed to the young Aga Khan. He decided to put up money for the cause and persuaded wealthy friends to contribute. It was a long struggle but he missed no opportunity to plead for this cause and when Aligarh finally became a university two dozen years later, it was more to Muslims than a seat of learning. In retrospect it was recognized as the intellectual cradle of independent Pakistan and the Aga Khan's enthusiasm and support which made it possible earned him a place among Pakistan's founding fathers."

The Imam believed that the root cause of Muslim backwardness in India was illiteracy, and therefore, education was the panacea for their ills. He thought that education should be a medium of service to others and a tool for modernization. He also considered the aim of education to be character building. According to Islamuddin in The Aga Khan III (Islamabad, 1978, p. 22), "It was he, who, translated the dream of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan into reality, by raising the status of Aligarh College into a great Muslim University." Sirdar Ikbal Ali Shah states in The Prince Aga Khan (London, 1933, p. 65) that, "It was Sir Syed Ahmed who founded Aligarh College, but it was the Aga Khan, an ardent enthusiastic promoter of the ideal of education, who has been mainly responsible for the raising of its status to that of a University."

After the death of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan in 1316/1898, the Imam advised Mohsin al-Mulk (1837-1907), the Secretary of Aligarh College, to tour India to procure public opinion for the cause of Muslim University. His interest in the Aligarh College dates from the time when he was called upon to preside at an Educational Conference held at Delhi at the time of Lord Curzon's proclamation Durbar in 1319/1902. He used the platform of Muslim Educational Conference to bring home to the Muslims, the importance of education, and Muslim University at Aligarh. In his Presidential address to the Muslim Educational Conference, the Imam said: "If, then, we are really in earnest in deploring the fallen condition of our people, we must unite in an effort for their redemption and, first and foremost of all, an effort must now be made for the foundation of a University where Muslim youths can get, in addition to modern sciences, a knowledge of their glorious past and religion and where the whole atmosphere of the place, it being a residential University, nay, like Oxford, give more attention to character than to mere examinations. Muslims of India have legitimate interests in the intellectual development of their co-religionists in Turkey, Persia, Afghanistan, and elsewhere, and the best way of helping them is by making Aligarh a Muslim Oxford .... We are sure that by founding this University we can arrest the decadence of Islam, and if we are not willing to make sacrifices for such an end, must I not conclude that we do not really care whether the faith of Islam is dead or not? .... We want Aligarh to be such a home of learning as to command the same respect of scholars as Berlin or Oxford, Leipzig or Paris. And we want those branches of Muslim learning, which are too fast passing into decay, to be added by Muslim scholars to the stock of the world's knowledge." (vide Khutbat-i Aliyah, Aligarh, 1927, I:206). Addressing the annual session of Muslim Educational Conference in 1904 at Bombay, the Imam said: "The farsighted among the Muslims of India desire a University, where the standard of learning should be the highest and where with the scientific training, there shall be that moral education, that indirect but constant reminder of the eternal difference between right and wrong, which is the soul of education .... I earnestly beg of you that the cause of such a University should not be forgotten in the shouts of the market place that daily rise amongst us."

The plan for the Muslim University had by 1910 taken on the complexion and force of a national movement. The session of the All India Muslim Educational Conference at Nagpur in December, 1910 gave the signal for a concreted, nation-wide effort to raise the necessary funds for the projected University. In moving the resolution on the University, the Imam made a stirring speech. He said, "This is a unique occasion as His Majesty the King-Emperor is coming out to India. This is a great opportunity for us and such as is never to arise again during the lifetime of the present generation, and the Muslims should on no account miss it...We must make up and make serious, earnest and sincere efforts to carry into effect the one great essential movement which above all has a large claim on our energy and resources...If we show that we are able to help ourselves and that we are earnest in our endeavours and ready to make personal sacrifices, I have no doubt whatever that our sympathetic government, which only requires proper guarantees of our earnestness, will come forward to grant us the charter. `Now or never' seems to be the inevitable situation."

To make a concerted drive for the collection of funds, a Central Foundation Committee with the Imam as Chairman with Maulana Shaukat Ali (1873-1938) as his Secretary; and prominent Muslims from all walks of life as members was formed at Aligarh on January 10, 1911. The Imam accompanied by Maulana Shaukat Ali toured throughout the country to raise funds, visiting Calcutta, Allahabad, Lucknow, Cawnpore, Lahore, Bombay and other places. Willi Frischauer writes in The Aga Khans (London, 1970, p. 76) that, "His campaign for the Aligarh University required a final big heave and, as Chairman of the fund raising committee, he went on a collecting tour through India's main Muslim areas: `As a mendicant', he announced, `I am now going out to beg from house to house and from street to street for the children of Indian Muslims.' It was a triumphal tour. Wherever he went, people unharnessed the horses of his carriage and pulled it themselves for miles."

The response to the touching appeal of the Imam was spontaneous. On his arrival at Lahore, the daily "Peace" of Punjab editorially commented and called upon the Muslims "to wake up, as the greatest personality and benefactor of Islam was in their city." The paper recalled a remark of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan prophesying the rise of a hand from the unseen world to accomplish his mission. "That personality" the paper said, "was of the Aga Khan III." On that day, the London Times commenting upon the visit, regarded him as a great recognized leader of Muslims. The significant aspect of the Imam's fund collection drive was not the enthusiastic welcome accorded to him, but the house to house collection drive. Qayyum A. Malick writes in The Prince Aga Khan (Karachi, 1954, p. 64) that once the Imam on his way to Bombay to collect funds for the university, the Imam stopped his car at the office of a person, who was known to be his bitterest critic. The man stood up bewildered and asked, "Whom do you want Sir?" "I have come for your contribution to the Muslim university fund," said the Imam. The man drew up a cheque for Rs. 5000/-. After pocketing the cheque, the Imam took off his hat and said, "Now as a beggar, I beg from you something for the children of Islam. Put something in the bowl of this mendicant." The man wrote another cheque for Rs. 15000/- with moist eyes, and said, "Your Highness, now it is my turn to beg. I beg of you in the name of the most merciful God to forgive me for anything that I may have said against you. I never knew you were so great." The Imam said, "Don't worry! It is my nature to forgive and forget in the cause of Islam and the Muslims." The drive received further great fillip from the announcement of a big donation by Her Highness Nawab Sultan Jahan Begum of Bhopal. The Imam was so moved by her munificence that in thanking her, he spoke the following words: Dil'e banda ra zinda kardi, dil'e Islam ra zinda kardi, dil'e qaum ra zinda kardi, Khuda'i ta'ala ba tufail'e Rasul ajarash be dahad means, "You put life in the heart of this servant; you put life in the heart of Islam; you put life in the heart of the nation. May God reward you for the sake of the Prophet!" In sum, the Imam collected twenty-six lacs of rupees by July, 1912 in the drive and his personal contribution amounted to one lac rupees.

On October 20, 1920, the Aligarh University was granted its official Charter. In spite of several obstacles, the Imam continued his ceaseless efforts for the Muslim University, and further announced his annual grant of Rs. 10,000/- for Aligarh University, which was subsequently raised. The Ismaili individuals also made their generous contributions to Aligarh University. For instance, Mr. Kassim Ali Jairajbhoy gave Rs. 1,25,000 to found chairs of Philosophy and Science in the Aligarh in memory of his father.

It will remain as a historical reminder of the fact that the Imam gave continuity to the traditions of his ancestors as pioneers of education in Egypt and elsewhere - traditions associated with the foundation of Al-Azhar, the oldest existing university in the world, which to this day is crowded with students from all parts of the globe. The Imam instituted the Aga Khan Foreign Scholarship programme for the promising students. It is worth mentioning here that Dr. Ziauddin was one of the students of the Imam in the sense that he paid for his years of study at Cambridge. Among other great Muslim scholars, who benefited from the munificent help were Dr. L.K. Hyder, the well known economist, Mr. Wali Muhammad, a great physicist, Dr. Zafarul Hasan, a learned theologian, and Dr. Zaki etc. "The Movement of establishing a Muslim University" writes Mumtaz Moin in his The Aligarh Movement (Karachi, 1976, p. 184), "is an important chapter of our history. Initiated by Waqar al-Mulk it soon became a live issue under the patronage of the Aga Khan." Islamuddin writes in Aga Khan III (Islamabad, 1978, p. 27) that, "Thus it would not be an exaggeration to say that without Aga Khan, there would have been no Aligarh University, and without Aligarh, Pakistan would have been a near impossibility." The Imam himself said in his Memoirs (London, 1954, p. 36) that: "We may claim with pride that Aligarh was the product of our own efforts and of no outside benevolence and surely it may also be claimed that the independent sovereign nation of Pakistan was born in the Muslim University of Aligarh."

Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral AliyaEncyclopedia Topic

Gave, offered, granted

Various Sources AliyathiEncyclopedia Topic

By giving, by offering, by presenting

Various Sources AliyoEncyclopedia Topic

Has been given, gave

Various Sources AljoEncyclopedia Topic

Give, offer

Various Sources ALKABEncyclopedia Topic

"The term lakab (pl. alkab) was also termed nabaz (pl. anbaz), and by form labaz, and later on it became lakab. The ancient Arabs excelled in inventing nasty alkab for their enemies, but the Koran (49:11) forbade them not to use pejorative sobriquets: "Do not scoff at each other or give each other derisory nicknames" (wala talmizu anfusakum wala tanabazu bi 'l-alkab).

The lakab tended to be transmogrified into higher roles within Islamic society. Most significantly for the development of Islamic culture, the lakab developed from being a nickname of praise or admiration. It is invested to a person to distinguish him from others who bear the same name. It is an honorific (tashrifi) or for the purpose of identification (tarif).

Different alkab are seen to have been given to the prophets according to the Koran. Adam as Safiullah (chosen by God), Abraham as Khalil Allah (God's friend), Ismael as Dhabih Allah (sacrificed for God), Joseph as Kan'an (the beauty), Moses as Kalim Allah (one who talks with God), Jonah as Dhu 'l-Nun (man in the fish), Jesus as Ruhullah (God's soul) etc.

The Prophet is reported to have conferred different ecclesiastical alkab to his Companions, the most striking one were the titles of Sayyid al-Shuhada and Asad Allah that were given to his uncle, Hamza b. Abdul Muttalib. Abu al-Haitham Malik b. al-Tayhan used to fight with two swords in hands, the Prophet gave him the title of Dhu al-Sayfayn (the holder of two swords). Amr b. Abd b. Nadlah was granted the title of Dhu al-Yadayn and Dhu al-Shahadatayn to Khuzaymah b. Thabit. On day, the Prophet, while in the course of searching, saw Ali bin Abu Talib in a mosque asleep in the dust and cover over with it. So he said to him in a bantering way, "Arise, O' the father of dust" and thus, the Abu Turab (father of dust) became his nickname.

A lakab could also be bestowed posthumously, just as the Prophet called Hanzala, who was killed in the battle of Uhad, ghasil al-mala'ika (one who is washed by the angels). Jafar, the son of Abu Talib bore the title, at-tayyar (the flying one) because after his hands and feet had been cut off, he flew.

The Fatimids not only retained the tradition, but also created new titles. Jafr bin Mansur al-Yamen was the first to be invested the title of Bab al-Abwab by Imam al-Muizz, and Imam al-Mustansir billah also honoured same title to Muayyad fid-din Shirazi in 450/1058. Before leaving for Cairo, Imam al-Muizz appointed Buluggin bin Ziri as the governor of Maghrib in 361/972 with an honorific title of Abul Futuh Yousuf. A standard formula for their vizirs in the Fatimids Caliphate was al-wazir al-Ajall (most exalted vizir) awarded to Yaqub b. Killis by Imam al-Aziz in 367/977. Amin al-Milla for Abu Muhammad bin Ammar. Saif ad-Dawla for Yusuf Buluggin in 361/972 and similar titles for Badis and al-Muizz bin Badis. Imam al-Aziz gave the command of the Fatimid army to Manjutagin in 381/991 in an operation with the title of Amir al-Juyush al-Mansura (Commander of the victorious armies). In 406/1016, Imam al-Hakim granted the title of Asad ad-Dawla (Lion of the State) to Saleh bin Mirdas and Mubarak ad-Dawla (Blessed of the State) to Fath. The title of Murtada 'l Dawa was given to Mansur b. Lulu of Aleppo in 399/1008. The title of Qutb ad-Dawla (Magnate of the State) was awarded to Ali bin Ralah in 404/1013, and Aziz ad-Dawla to Fatik in 407/1017. Imam al-Mustansir billah granted the title of Sharaf ad-Dawla to al-Ka'id the Hammadids in 433/1041. Hamiduddin Kirmani carried the title of Hujjat al-Iraqin (Sign of Iraq and western Iran). An individual feature of Fatimid titulaure for their vizirs was the use of compound titles, e.g. Safi Amir al-Mu'minin wa Khalisatuhu for Abul Kassim Ahmad Jarjarai. Mustapha Amir al-Mu'minin for Abu Mansur Sadaka bin Yusuf al-Fallah. In 447/1050, the vizir Abu Muhammad al-Hasan al-Yazuri enjoyed the titles of al-Wazir al-Ajall al-Awhad al-Makin, Sayyid al-Wuzara wa Taj al-Asfiya wa Qadi 'l-Qudat wa Dai 'l-Duat, Alam al-Madd, Khalisat Amir al-Mu'minin to which were later added al-Nasir li'l-Din, Ghiyath al-Muslimin. The ensemble denoting the wide extent of his powers, not merely as vizir but also as chief qadi and chief da'i. Hussain bin Jawhar was in 390/1000 honored by Imam al-Hakim, receiving a robe of honour with the title of Qaid al-Quwwad (supreme commander). Imam al-Mustansir billah granted Badr al-Jamali the triple title of Amir al-Juyush (Commander of the army), Badi al-Duat (Director of the missionaries) and Vizir (Chief Minister).

During post-Alamut period, the title of Varas and Rai were to be invested to the Indian pilgrims in Iran. The title of Darwish was in operative till the time of Imam Shah Khalilullah, and most of them belonged to the Sind. It must be noted that some Ismailis of district Thatta were the title holders of Darwish, and then joined Sunnism who are still known as the Daras. It is said that Varas A'asar, a well-known religion teacher in War, district Thatta was the first in Sind to be invested the title of Darwish.

The title Saif ad-Dawla being granted by the Fatimid Imams was also once applied by Imam Sultan Muhammad Shah. He honored this title to his first estate agent for Syria, called Amir Ismail bin Muhammad in 1890.

The Imam conferred to the title of Major to Mukhi Lalji Bhai Devraj in Poona on January 7, 1911. Muhammad Ali Hakimji was given the title of a Shahid in Rangoon on February 10, 1914, Missionary Khuda Bux Talib on December 15, 1925 and Alijah Kassim Budhwani acquired the status of a Shahid in Dhoraji, India on February 10, 1939. The Imam also said for Missionary Master Talkeshi Lawji, "He died while working for the Recreation Club, therefore, he became a Syed. One who dies for the Recreation Club is considered as a Syed." (Bombay: 27.3.1922).

On April 29, 1920, Itmadi Sabzali was invested the title of Tuti'i Bagh-i Bahisht (The parrot of the garden of paradise). The Imam spoke of Sunderji Kuraji at Bombay on February 20, 1928 that he was the foundation, the tree of religion as well as the soul, light and a hawari in Ismailism. Missionary Varas Isa was honored the title of a flag of the noor on December 31, 1933 at Bombay. Varas Muhammad Remu was declared a member of Ahl al-Bayt in Karachi on November 26, 1938 in the same manner as Varas Basaria and Varas Rahim already were declared members of Ahl al-Bayt. On December 14, 1938, Itmadi Sabzali was told by the Imam as the hujjat of the jamat as well as the alamdar (standard bearer) of the haqiqi momins. Wazir Jafar Ali Bhalwani had been given the title of Honorary Missionary in 1956 in Bombay. Missionary Hussaini Pir Muhammad was given the title of Chief Missionary. Mukhi Jamal Megji was honored the title of Bodh Kamadia in 1900. During the tragic accident of Yeotmal Jamatkhana in India on August 20, 1963, the Present Imam had given the title of Shahid to the 113 Ismailis who lost their lives through a telegraphic message of September 12, 1963.

The Koranic term (20:29) wazir is derived from wizr meaning burden. It literally means one who bears burdens, and helper or aider. It is generally meant as a minister. Besides, the term varas is a title equivalent to the wazir. Khatau, Ismail Gangaji, Tharia Topan and Ghulu were the earliest title holders of the Wazir in the time of Imam Hasan Ali Shah. In Sind, the first title holder of Varas was A'sar of War in district Thatta in the time of Imam Aga Ali Shah.

The present classification of the titles to enumerate the long devoted services of the Ismaili individuals are as under:-

1) Dewan: (lit. a high officer in state)

The highest title of honour being invested so far to Muhammad I.M. Rawji in India and Count Sir Eboo Pir Bhai.

2) Count:

In East Africa, the title of Count is higher than Varas. The word count is derived from Latin comes (pl.

comites), which means companion, resembling graft in Germany, earl in English and sahaba in Arabia. This title created in East Africa in 1936.

3) Wazir or Varas:

It may be noted that the highest among the regular titles in the African community is "Count" and next comes "Varas" and so on. The title of Wazir (chief minister) of the Imam was a high rank, including a broad scope of the responsibilities.

Soon after the very existence of the Ismaili Councils in 1906, the chief ministry of the community was assigned to leaders in the different districts, and for them the title of Varas had been created in each district. The word Varas means one who administers one's affairs. Hence, each Varas administers as the treasurer of the Imam.

Following the death of Wazir Ismail Gangaji, the title of Wazir ranked in the same status of a Varas. When the range of the Ismaili Councils extended in each province, the functions of the Varas began to be centered with the newly created office of Kul Kamadia in each province. Henceforward, the title of Wazir/Varas came to be given to any prominent persons in the community provided he possessed already the title of Itmadi. It may also be noted that the title of Varas was also invested to Mir Suleman of Salamia, Syria and Shaikh Abdullah Murtaza of Khwabi, Syria. Atalaq Sarfraz Khan, the minister of Chitral was also granted title of Varas.

In the category of this title, the following two unique title of honour has been created:-

a) Chief Wazir : Conferred to Kamadia Kassim Ali Hasan Ali Javeri in India in 1946.

b) Huzur Varas : Conferred to Ali Muhammad Macklai, Bombay and Dr. Ghulam Ali Allana, Karachi.

4) Itmadi : Lit. worthy of confidence or reliable.

5) Rai : roving officer

6) Alijah : man of high rank or dignity.

7) Huzur Mukhi : mukhi of holy presence.

8) Huzur Kamadia : kamadia of holy presence.

Besides the above regular titles, the Imam is reported to have bestowed the following special status in the community:-

1. Pir : Wazir Ismail Gangaji and Itmadi Sabzali Ramzan Ali were honored this status.

2. Shahid : Missionary Khuda Bux Talib, Kassim Budhwani and Muhammad Ali Bhai Hakimji of Rangoon, and some others were given this status.

3. Dai : Abdul Sultan Pir Bhai was given this status.

It must be known that the robes of honour (khilat) were graciously presented by the Imam to the title holders. It was thereafter given to the Alijah, and now to the Itmadi and onwards.

Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral ALL INDIA MUSLIM EDUCATIONAL CONFERENCE [ see ALIGARH UNIVERSITY ]Encyclopedia TopicEncyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral