Ismaili Dictionary & Encyclopedia

NiyamEncyclopedia Topic

Obligatory religious observance, practice, custom, appointment

Various Sources NiyamatEncyclopedia Topic

Blessings, bounties

Various Sources NiyamiyaEncyclopedia Topic

Took oath to act upon religion

Various Sources NiyariEncyclopedia Topic

Unique, strange

Various Sources NiyarieEncyclopedia Topic

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Various Sources NIYYAEncyclopedia Topic

"The term niyya does not occur in the Koran. The word ikhlas (sincerity) however is used 17 times in its active participial form, mukhlis, best appropriates the notion of worthy and well directed "intention" (niyya). Sincerity is the foundation of al acts of worship (2:139, 39:2, 11:14), acceptable to God and of all forms of prayer (7:29, 10:22, 29:65, 31:32, 40:14, 65, 98:5). The sincere servants of God are those whom He protects from being seduced by devil (15:40, 38:83) or from committing sins (12:24), they will all enjoy great happiness in hereafter (37:40,74, 128).

Niyya is a verb of nawa, meaning intention, aim or purpose in the doing of a thing, but it is wrongly supposed that the niyya consists in the repetition of certain words, stating that one intends to do so and so. Formulating the niyya or the expression of one's intention in set words, is unknown to the Koran and the hadith, and is in fact meaningless.

Every action of a human being must stem from his will, i.e. his choice for such action. A will is geared in its turn towards an act for a specific purpose, which is the intent. The meaning of intention, therefore, is the will directed towards the action, or the directing of the will towards the action. For illustration, if a person fires a shot at another with the intention of hitting him and does hit him, the perpetrator is said to have willed the action of firing and intended to hit the other person. Suffice it here to relate the classification as presented by al-Subki in al-Halabiyat (cf. Suyuti's al-Ashbah wa al-Nazair, Cairo, 1936, p. 25) while dealing with the commission of a sinful deed. According to this classification, intention is divided into five phrases. The first is al-hajis or the first impact of the intention upon the heart. The second is al-khatir where intent permeates the heart. The third is hadith al-nafs where a person oscillates between the thought of committing the act and that of refraining therefrom. The fourth is al-hamm where the intention to commit the act overshadows the thought of refraining therefrom. The fifth is al-azm where the intention is solidified by the will and the determination to implement the act.

Niyya is an inner intention or making up of mind to do anything and one gets the reward of his actions what he intended. It must be noted that while laying down a law, the Prophet primarily considered the value and spirit of the action and not the form of the action. Anas bin Malik relates that once the Prophet came into the mosque and beheld a chord stretched between the two columns (thereof), he asked "What is this?" He was replied that it was a chord which Zainab had set up, so that when she got tired by standing up long for prayer, she suspended herself thereby. The Prophet said, "Let one of you pray out of the vivacity of his heart, so long as he finds it pleasant, and when he gets tired, let him sit down" (Bukhari). During the last ten days of the month of Ramzan, the Prophet used to retire for prayer and meditation; whereupon Ai'sha asked leave to do the same, and the Prophet accorded her permission. She had a tent set up for the purpose. Hafsah heard of it, and had another tent set up. Zainab also had a tent set up. When in the morning the Prophet turned up, he saw the tents, and asked, "What is this?" Being told of that, the Prophet said, "Piety has not carried them to this. Pull them down, so that I may not see them again" (Ibid.).

The very first tradition with which Bukhari (23:1) opens his book is an example of what niyya means. "Actions shall be judged only by their aims" (innama-l-a'malu bil niyya). Hence if a good action is done with a bad aim, it shall not benefit the doer. According to a hadith al-kudsi, God says, "If My servant intends a good deed, then I count it for him as a good deed (even if) he does not carry it out. And if he does carry it out, then I count it for him as ten like unto it." (Masnad, 2:315)

Qadi Noman writes in Kitab al-Himma (pp.106-7) that, "If some one does a good deed and does it solely for the sake of God and for a reward from Him, he will be rewarded for it. But if he does it for the sake of show and acquiring a fame, his act will not be recognized as a pious deed. It will be an act of hypocrisy. The Prophet says,

Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral NizarEncyclopedia Topic

An epithet of Pir Sadardin (r.a.)

Various Sources NIZAR I (487-490/1095-1097), 19TH IMAMEncyclopedia Topic

"Abu Mansur al-Nizar, surnamed al-Mustapha al-dinillah (the chosen for God's religion), was born in Cairo on 437/1045. He assumed the Imamate on 18th Zilhaja, 487/January 6, 1095 at the age of 50 years. He had been however proclaimed as a successor in 480/1087 before the notables in the court by his father. His participation in state affairs is scant. In 454/1062, during the perilous period of Egypt, Imam al-Mustansir had however sent him to the port of Damietta with the Fatimid army to execute few assignments.

The name Nizar is a Persian word, means thin, slim, slender, lean, spare or weak. As it is said kilki nizar means a slender reed or pen. The Iranian name tends to the fact that Imam al-Mustansir had perceived the forthcoming bifurcation in the Ismailis, and that his successor would be supported in the Iranian society more than the Arabian territories. It seems that Imam al-Mustansir had chosen the name Nizar to cohere him and his descendants with the Iranian culture. The cause of the Nizarid was also supported by the Iranian missionaries, notably Hasan bin Sabbah, Nasir Khusaro, Abdul Malik bin Attash etc.

When Hasan bin Sabbah was yet in Cairo in 471/1078, De Lacy O'Leary writes in A Short History of the Fatimid Khalifate (London, 1923, p. 209) that, "At the time, it appears, the court was divided into two factions over the question of the succession, the one party holding to the Khalif's elder son Nizar, the other to a younger son named Musta'li. In one place Nasir-i Khusaro says that the Khalif told him that his elder son Nizar was to be his heir, and the succession of the older son would be in accordance with the doctrines of the sect as already proved by their adherence to Ismail, the son of Jafar as-Sadiq. But Badr and the chief officials were on the side of the younger son Musta'li."

Badr al-Jamali thus expected the succession of Musta'li but he died in 487/1095, a month before the death of Imam al-Mustansir. The latter appointed Lawun Amin ad-Dawla as a new vizir, but after few days, al-Afdal, the son of Badr al-Jamali managed to obtain office of vizirate when the Imam was almost on death-bed, and also became amir al-juyush (commander of the army). After the death of Imam al-Mustansir, the year 487/1095 marks the triumph of vizirial prerogative over caliphal authority in the structure of the Fatimid empire. Al-Afdal however, was afraid of being deposed by Imam al-Nizar, so he conspired to remove him. There is one other story purporting his enmity with Imam al-Nizar. If the story quoted by Charles Francois Defremery (1822-1883) in Histoire des Ismaeliens ou Batiniens de la Perse (JA, ser. 5, XV, 1860, p. 154), is genuine, it illustrates how a little, rather a trifling thing determines great events. Al-Afdal, so the account goes, was once mounted on his horse in the passage leading from the golden gate to the entrance of the palace when Nizar passed by. Al-Afdal did not dismount to honour the Prince according to the royal custom. Nizar called out, "Get down from your horse, O'Armenian slave! How impolite you are?" Dr. Zahid Ali is of an opinion that it was a bone of contention and since that day, al-Afdal became an enemy of Nizar, vide Tarikh-i Fatimiyyin Misr (Karachi, 1963, p. 294).

Makrizi also quotes the above incident, vide Itti'az (p.512). The phrases al-adab fil salam and adab al-khidma designated in the broadest sense in the protocol (adab) to be observed in the Fatimid court. It was the custom for the vizirs to ride into the palace through the golden gate (bab al-dhahab) and dismount at a designated spot, called "the passage of the vizirate" (maqta al-vizara), but al-Afdal exceeded the limit and treated impolitely with Imam al-Nizar.

Aiming to retain the power of the state in his own hands, al-Afdal favoured the candidacy of Imam al-Mustansir's youngest son, Abul Kassim Ahmad, surnamed Musta'li, who would entirely depend upon him. Al-Musta'li was about 20 years old, and already married to al-Afdal's daughter. Al-Afdal moved swiftly, and on the day following Imam al-Mustansir's death, he placed the young prince on the throne with the title of al-Musta'li-billah. He quickly obtained for al-Musta'li the allegiance of the notables of the court. He also took favour of Imam al-Mustansir's sister, who was prepared to declare a fabricated story that Imam al-Mustansir had changed the nass in favour of Musta'li at very last hour in presence of the qadi of Egypt, but the cause of change of nass was not given at all. Marshall Hodgson writes in The Order of Assassins (Netherland, 1955, p. 63) that, "Nizar's right to the Egyptian succession by sectarian principles was very strong. The Sunni historians assume him to have been designated heir-apparent. This "first nass" would clearly give him claim to Ismaili allegiance against any later nominee on the analogy of Ismail himself, whose claim could not be set aside for his brother Musa."

The Egyptian historian, Nuwayri (d. 732/1332) writes in Nihayat al-Arab that, "When al-Mustansir billah died, his son al-Nizar, who was the wali'l-ahd, took his seat on the throne and desired homage to be done to himself; but al-Afdal refused, through dislike to al-Nizar, and he had a meeting with a member of amirs and men of rank, to whom he said, that Nizar was come to the age of manhood, and they could not hope to escape his severity; so the best thing to be done was to do homage to his youngest brother Musta'li. This plan was approved of by all except Muhammad Ibn Massal al-Maliki". The extant sources recount that al-Afdal hastened to proclaim Musta'li and on the next day, al-Afdal sent for the other sons of Imam al-Mustansir, biding them to come quickly. Imam al-Nizar and his brothers, Abdullah and Ismail as soon as entered the palace, and saw the younger brother seated on the throne, at which they were filled with indignation. Nuwayri writes in Nihayat al-Arab that al-Afdal said to them: "Go forward and kiss the earth in the presence of God and of our lord al-Must'ali billah! Do him homage, for it is he whom the Imam al-Mustansir billah has declared as his successor to the caliphate." To this al-Nizar answered: "I would rather be cut in pieces than do homage to one younger than myself, and moreover I possess a document in the handwriting of my father by which he names me successor, and I shall go and bring it." He withdrew from the court in haste.

It implies that Imam al-Nizar and his brothers were summoned in the palace under usual manner. He must have brought the written document with him, had he known the enthronement of Must'ali. The significant feature of Musta'li was that he was silent on the whole, and himself did not ask his brothers to pay him homage. It was only al-Afdal to deal the proceeding. Musta'li was planned to enthrone with the firm hold of the vizir. According to Religion in the Middle East (London, 1969, 2:321) ed. by A.J. Arberry, "Both Ibn al-Athir and Ibn Khaldun agree that Nizar was the duly appointed heir apparent whose claims were overlooked by the energy and diplomacy of al-Afdal."

Imam al-Nizar was well aware of the domination of al-Afdal and a vein of animosity in his character for him. It is possible that he thought it futile to produce the written document in the palace, because according to Ibn Khaldun (4:139) the sister of Imam al-Mustansir had falsely witnessed in the court the story of change of nass, therefore, he did not come back to the palace and quitted Cairo. Soon afterwards, Imam al-Nizar appeared in Alexandria, with his brother, Abdullah and an amir, Muhammad ibn Massal al-Maliki. Nasir ad-Dawla Iftagin at-Turki, the governor of Alexandria swore allegiance to Imam al-Nizar and proclaimed his support. Jalal ad-Dawla bin Ammar, the qadi of Alexandria also supported the cause of Imam al-Nizar. In Alexandria, the Imam promulgated the Nizarid Ismaili mission and adopted the title of al-Mustapha li-dinillah (the chosen for God's religion).

Nasir Khusaro and Hasan bin Sabbah were promulgating the Nizarid Ismaili mission in Badakhshan and Iran in accordance with the directions they had personally received from Imam al-Mustansir when they had been in Cairo. Granted that the theory of change of nass was a genuine, then these missionaries must have been intimated, but it was claimed only in the court as a tool to make al-Musta'li enthroned.

Al-Afdal feared the growing power of Imam al-Nizar in Alexandria, where he spurred his horses in 488/1095, but suffered a sharp repulse in the first engagement, and retreated to Cairo. According to Ibn Athir and Ibn Khallikan, Imam al-Nizar also got favour of the nomad Arabs and dominated the northern area of Egypt.

Al-Afdal once again took field with huge army and besieged Alexandria. He tempted the companions of Imam al-Nizar, and fetched them to his side. Ibn Massal was the first to have deserted the field from the thick of fight, and fled with his materials by sea towards Maghrib. It is related that Ibn Massal had a dream that he was walking on horseback, and al-Afdal was walking in his train. He consulted an astrologer, who remarked that he who walked on the earth was to possess it. On hearing this, Ibn Massal collected his wealth and fled to Lokk, a village near Barqa in Maghrib. This defection marked the turning point of Imam's power. In addition, the long siege resulted great fortune to al-Afdal, wherein many skirmishes took place. Imam al-Nizar and his faithful fought valiantly, but due to the treachery of his men, he was arrested and taken prisoner with Abdullah and Iftagin to Cairo.

Iftagin was executed in Cairo. According to Ibn Khallikan, Imam al-Nizar was immured by his brother al-Musta'li's orders and al-Afdal had him shut up between two walls till he died in 490/1097. According to John Alden Williams in Islam (New York, 1967, p. 218), "The followers of al-Nizar in Abbasid territory refused to accept this and took Nizar's son to one of their mountain fortress, Alamut."

The Ismaili missionaries spread the Nizari Ismailism since the time of Imam al-Mustansir by leaps and bounds. Hasan bin Sabbah operated the Nizarid mission freely throughout its length and breath and established the Nizarid rule at Alamut in Iran. Henceforward, the center of the Nizari Imamate with a large following in Iran, Syria and Central Asia, transferred from Egypt to Iran.

Muhammad bin Ali al-Suri, the Fatimid da'i in Syria, who died few months after Imam al-Mustansir billah in 488/1095, had enumerated the Imams in a long Arabic poem, vide al-Qasida al-Suriyya (ed. Arif Tamir, Damascus, 1955, pp. 41-71). He is said to have given his full supports to the cause of Imam al-Nizar in Syria and propagated to this effect in his region.

According to Ibn Khallikan, Ibn Massal received a letter from al-Afdal, inviting him to return to Egypt, which he did, and was honourably received in Cairo.

Al-Musta'li remained a puppet in the hands of al-Afdal throughout his short reign (1094-1101), during which the Crusaders first appeared in 490/1097 in the Levant to liberate the holy land of Christendom. The Crusaders easily defeated the local Fatimid garrison, and occupied Jerusalem in 492/1099. By 493/1100, the Crusaders had gained their footholds in Palestine, and founded several principalities based on Jerusalem and other localities in Palestine and Syria. In the midst of the Fatimids' continued attempts to repel the Crusaders, al-Musta'li died in 495/1102, who made no personal contribution to the Fatimid rule. He virtually held no power in the state, and came out only as required by al-Afdal at the public functions.

W.B. Fisher writes in The Middle East and North Africa (London, 1973, p. 243) that, "After the death of al-Mustansir, the six succeeding caliphs had no power". After Musta'li's death, al-Afdal proclaimed al-Musta'li's five year-old son, Abu Ali al-Mansur, surnamed al-Amir (d. 524/1130).

We have seen heretofore that al-Afdal was an absolute master of the Fatimid empire for 27 years and was murdered in 515/1121. Ibn Qalanisi writes in Tarikh-i Dimashq (tr. H.A.R. Gibb, London, 1932, p. 163) that, "It was asserted that the Batinis (Ismailis) were responsible for his assassination, but this statement is not true." Yaacov Lev writes in State and Society in Fatimid Egypt (London, 1991, p. 55) that, "On 30 Ramzan 515/12 December 1121, al-Afdal was assassinated and his twenty-seven years of military dictatorship were brought to an end. Although one of the assassins was captured, who masterminded the plot remains unknown. From reading the sources one receives the impression that the Nizari Ismailis perpetrated the killing. However, judging by the subsequent events, al-Amir must have been involved in the plot."

Ibn Khallikan (1:613-4) writes that, "It was al-Afdal who, on the death of al-Musta'li, placed al-Amir, that sovereign's son on the throne: he then took the direction of public affairs into his own hands, and having confined the prince in his palace, he prevented him from indulging his passion for pleasure and amusements. This treatment induced al-Amir to plot against his vizir's life, and on the evening of Sunday, the 30th Ramzan, 515, as al-Afdal rode forth from his habitation in the imperial palace, he was attacked by the conspirators and slain while proceeding towards the river."

Henceforward, the Fatimid rule embarked on its rapid decline. The supposed infant son of al-Amir is named, Tayyib, about two and half years old, but De Lacy O'Leary holds however that when al-Amir's wife was delivered, her child was a daughter (op. cit., p. 223). Anyhow, the chief guardian of Tayyib was Ibn Madyan, who is said to have hidden the minor Tayyib in a mosque called Masjid ar-Rahma. Makrizi tells that the infant son of al-Amir was carried in a basket after wrapping it up and covering it over with vegetables. Here in the mosque, a wet nurse cared for him. And all of this was done without Hafiz knowing anything about it. Makrizi also writes that Tayyib was arrested and killed. The followers of Tayyib in Yamen however believed that he was hidden in 524/1130 and his line exists even today in concealment. The Ayyubid ruler Saladin (d. 589/1193) at length, put an end of the Fatimid rule in 567/1171, and had the khutba read in Cairo in the name of Abbasid caliph al-Mustadi (d. 575/1180), thus proclaiming Abbasid suzerainty in Egypt.

Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral NIZAR II (993-1038/1585-1628), 40TH IMAMEncyclopedia Topic

"Imam Nizar was born in 982/1574 in Anjudan, and ascended at the age of 11 years. He is known as Shah Ataullah among the Iranian mystics. His father had brought him in Kahek in 992/1584, and henceforward, Kahek became the next headquarters. Kahek or Kiagrak is situated about 35 kilometers northeast of Anjudan and north-west of Mahallat. It took few years to the Ismailis to settle in Kahek and its locality. He also founded a village near Kuhubandi, known as Kahek of Aqa Nizar, then became known as Bagh-i Takhat. The colony of the farmers in this village was also known as Nizarabad.

The Ismaili merchants of Kirman are said to have built a small palace for Imam Nizar in Kahek, which became known as Kahek-i Shah Nizar, where a small marble platform was erected in a garden, facing the palace. It is said that the Imam would sit on this platform, which was surrounded by water, when giving audience. His guests would be placed amid flower beds on the other side of the water.

The Safavid Shah Abbas ruled Iran from 995/1588 to 1038/1628. He restored peace with severe actions. He reduced the number of provincial governors to curb the power of Kizilbash, and took punitive action against them for their disloyalty. Shah Abbas also turned to the third force, which Shah Tahmasp had introduced into the state, and created their regiments which constituted the nucleus of a standing army. He also took the power of collecting revenue from the Kizilbash. The chief of the Ustajlu faction in Khorasan, Murshid Quli Khan, was a powerful Kizilbash leader, who was responsible for placing Shah Abbas on the throne. He had assumed that, as in the past, he would be able to bend the king to his will. Shah Abbas had him executed in 996/1589. Hence, the Uzbeks overran the province of Sistan, and invaded Mashhad, but it was repulsed. In 1005/1598, Shah Abbas transferred his capital from Qazwin to Ispahan. He expanded his influence in Herat and defeated the Uzbeks, and annexed Balkh in his state. In 1014/1605, he attacked on the Turks and recovered Tabriz.

Shah Abbas is noted as a great builder, and so was very cruel. In 1024/1615, he executed his son, Muhammad Bakir, the then governor of Khorasan. His another son Hasan predeceased him. In 1030/1621, when he fell ill, his third son Muhammad prematurely celebrated his death. When Shah Abbas recovered, he blinded Muhammad. In 1035/1626, he blinded his only surviving son, Quli Mirza. Hence, he had no male issue to succeed him. He died in 1038/1629 after ruling for 42 years, and was succeeded by his grandson, Sam Mirza, surnamed Shah Shafi, the son of Muhammad Bakir.

The Ottoman empire was sunk into the internal disputes after sultan Suleman, and lost many regions from the Safavids. Unemployment, poor exports and the worsening condition of the peasants had badly paralyzed the economy of Turkey. The Safavid Shah Abbas used to export the silken costumes and carpets to Europe through the port of Turkey, but it was stopped because of the newly formed Port Abbas in Iran, resulting another heavy crack in the tax-income of Turkey. In sum, the Ottoman empire began to come in its ebb.

Roger Savory writes in Iran under the Safavids (New York, 1980, p. 91) that, "We have seen the period from the establishment of the Safavid state in 1501, upto the accession of Shah Abbas I in 1588, was one of change and experiment. An attempt was made to incorporate the original Sufi organization of the Safavid Order in the administrative structure of the state." Thus, under Shah Abbas, the Sufism came to life once again.

When Shah Abbas I tolerated Sufism in Iran, the tide also turned in favour of the Ismaili mission, providing benign climate to the da'is to propagate Ismailism. Imam Nizar is thus reported to have gone to Khorasan in 1014/1606 with few da'is, where he concealed his identity, and assumed a Sufi sounding name, Shah Ataullah among the Nimatullahis. He became the qutb (pole) of the Nimatullahis most probably in Nishapur, Marw, Herat, Balkh and Sebzewar in Khorasan province. Imam Nizar was probably the first Ismaili Imam to become the spiritual master of the Nimatullahis.

It seems that many Nimatullahis, the followers of Imam Nizar known as Ataullahis secretly adhered Ismailism in Khorasan. When Imam Nizar left Khorasan for Kirman, some of them also joined him. It appears from one extant qasida that Imam Nizar had composed few qasida for them.

The Ismailis in Iran mostly resided in Khorasan, Kirman, Fars and Anjudan. The Ismailis, known as Ataullahis lived in Kirman as the peasants. The Ismailis in Fars were nomadic tribesmen, who were also called as Ataullahis. It is related that a number of slaves of Abayssinia escaped from being sold at Port Abbas, and took refuge in Kirman and embraced Ismailism. They were very faithful warriors and rendered their services to Imam Nizar as guards.

Mulla Shaikh Ali Gilani writes in Tarikh-i Mazandaran (comp. in 1044/1634, pp. 88-89) that, "Sultan Muhammad, the Banu Iskandar ruler of Kujur, who succeeded his father in 975/1567 was an Ismaili. He openly emboldened the propagation of Ismailism in Rustamdar. He seized Nur and other localities in Mazandaran and spread Ismaili creed as far as Sari. He died in 998/1590, and was succeeded by his eldest son Jahangir, who was also deep-rooted in Ismailism. He was obliged to go to the court of the Safavid Shah Abbas I, following the latter's conquest of Gilan and other Caspian provinces in 1000/1592. Later, Jahangir returned to Rustamdar, but was arrested by the local lieutenant of Shah Abbas I, who had led a large force against him. Jahangir was sent to Qazwin, where he was executed in 1006/1598."

In Syria, the inroads of the bigoted Nusairis recurred on the Ismaili villages in 999/1591, and pillaged their properties. This time, the Ismailis repelled the band of Nusairis from their territories with their own resources.

Kahek was made the new headquarters in Kirman after Anjudan. Syed Abdul Nabi was an Indian vakil, who visited Kahek. He was rejoiced to behold Imam Nizar in the garden, facing the palace, which he relates in his ginan that: - "I enjoyed a trip with the Imam, when my Lord was in the garden." Syed Abdul Nabi's another ginan also gives condensed account that:- "The everlasting Lord resides in Kahek in the very form of Ali. The apparent Imam Nizar is the 77th epiphany of God, and the 40th Imam."

Syed Abdul Nabi mostly preached in Gujrat. In Surat, he came into the close contact of the Gupti Momina Ismailis. He used to organize a weekly religious gathering, known as satsang (the pious congregation) in which the local Hindu families were also invited, notably the Laiwala, Naginawala and Jamiatram families. Syed Abdul Nabi died in Surat, and his mausoleum is situated at Kankara Khadi, near Surat.

In India, the Kadiwal Syeds continued the Ismaili mission despite several impediments. Fourth in the line of Syed Mashaikh bin Syed Rehmatullah Shah bin Pir Hasan Kabir, was Syed Fazal Shah; who operated proselytizing mission in north Gujrat with a tremendous effect upon the local peasants. He is said to have visited Iran in 1035/1625 during the period of Imam Nizar and was appointed as a vakil. The tradition relates that Imam Nizar also sent with him his one relative, called Pir Kassim Shah. Both of them not only conducted the proselytism afresh, but also accelerated the economical condition of the Ismailis. Pir Kassim Shah died around 1121/1710, and was buried in a village, called Mudana, two miles from Sidhpur. Thus, Hasan Pir had to administer the mission in Gujrat and Kathiawar, and died probably in 1126/1715.

Imam Nizar died in Kahek in 1038/1628 and was entombed in his small palace, which had been made a domed sepulcher. It is an eye-catching building in Kahek, consisting of different chambers. It also accommodated the graves of Imam's close relatives, but the dates inscribed in the graves are concocted. The mausoleum was renovated in 1805 by the Syrian pilgrims, who stayed in Kahek for many months, and it was again rebuilt in 1966 by the local Ismailis.

The dates of the Ismaili Imams of the post-Alamut period are well recorded in the Satveni'ji Vel by Syed Nur Muhammad Shah (d. 940/1534) down to the period of Imam Nuruddin Ali (d. 957/1550). It also prompted the Indian Ismailis to write down the dates of the following Imams. The Russian scholar W. Ivanow visited Iran in 1937 and noted the dates of Imams' death from the plaques on the existing mausoleums. While collating the dates of the inscriptions with the traditional records, it seems that the dates of few early Imams are almost in agreement, but other dates are in fair contrast, making a layer of confusion to reconcile them. For instance, the death of Imam Nizar is placed 1038/1628 in the traditional records, but the inscription of mausoleum places 1134/1722, indicating a discrimination of about 94 years. It is, however, much nearer to reasonable possibility that the Indian Ismailis had been in close contact with the Imams after Pir Sadruddin's time in Iran, and they had treasured up the traditional records in their memories, therefore, the traditional dates cannot be ruled out. Besides, there is another testimony equally potent that Pir Sadruddin is said to have composed a daily prayer for the Indian followers, wherein the names of the Imams from Hazrat Ali down to the Imam of the time were recited. When an Imam died, the name of his successor was added in the daily prayer. Under such practice, the traditional records seem more credible than that of the inscriptions. It seems probable that most of the mausoleums and their inscriptions existed long after the death of the Imams, and none can assert that the scribes had either written the actual dates, or the dates of their own time, or written on guess work. Take it for granted that the inscriptions provide true record, then one would have to brush aside few names of the Imams from the official list, so as to adjust the history with the dates of inscriptions. The Indian pilgrims most possibly had visited the mausoleums of the Imams and seen the inscriptions, had these really existed during their time. In spite of reading the extant inscriptions, the Indian pilgrims of later period seem to have clung with their own dominant records, which is ample to judge that they had discarded the uncertain dates of inscriptions. In all this, what should have become abundantly clear is that all the dates of the inscriptions are not to be trusted. We have many instances that the inscriptions of some Sufi saints in Iran had been wrongly inscribed in their shrines too.

Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral NIZARI IMAMS (GINAN)Noun

g. 287:30 "Nar parsadé Nizar né payé laga, shri Islam Shah nam bhanraya"

Heritage Dictionary of Ismailism, entry #982general NIZARI KOHISTANIEncyclopedia Topic

"Naimuddin bin Jalaluddin bin Muhammad Nizari Kohistani was born in Birjand in 645/1247. He got the rudiments of his formal education at home from his father, who was also a poet himself and a devout Ismaili. Nizari attended school in Birjand and Qain, and studied Persian and Arabic literature. His father was a land-lord in Birjand, but lost his estate during the Mongol onslaught in Kohistan and subsequently, Nizari had to serve at the court of Shamsuddin Muhammad I (643-684/1245-1285), the founder of the Kurt dynasty of Herat; and became a court-poet.

Nizari travelled excessively for supervising the revenue and expenditure of Azerbaijan and Arran. He set out from Khasp in Birjand on a long journey with a certain Tajuddin Amid in Shawal, 678/February, 1280. He fell ill in Tabriz, and resumed his journey in Safar, 679/June, 1280 with a certain Shamsuddin Juvaini, who was also travelling there for same purpose. Nizari visited Azerbaijan, Arran, Georgia, Armenia and Baku, which lasted for two years (678-679/1280-1281). Muqaddasi had reported earlier in Kitab al-Akalim (comp. in 375/985) that Azerbaijan, Arran and Armenia formed part of a single province, which he designated as Iklim ar-Rihab (the region of high plains). It was during this journey that Nizari did see Imam Shamsuddin Muhammad and his successor. He recounted the account of his journey in his Safar-nama in mathnawi form, comprised of 1200 verses. Nizari has termed the Ismailis significantly as Ikhwan as-Safa.

After his return, Nizari got married and entered the service of Kurt rulers, who had penetrated their influence in Afghanistan and Khorasan. His enemies aroused the Kurt ruler and was dismissed and his properties were confiscated. He composed Munazara-i Shab-i Rauz (conflict of day and night) wherein he described the troubles he had faced. Nizari took up agriculture during retiring life and died in Birjand in 720/1320 during the reign of Ghiasuddin (d. 729/1328). He also composed Mathnawi Azhar-u-Mazhar in 700/1300, narrating the terrible operations of the Mongols in Iran. His another famous work, Dastur-nama (book of rule), which he composed for his son, reflecting the doctrines of Sufism and Ismailism. According to Daulatshah (d. 900/1494) in Tazkertu'sh Shu'ara that, "This is a book to be treasured by gifted and intellectual minds." In Mathnawi (verse 43), Nizari Kohistani writes eloquently in praise of Shamsuddin Muhammad that:-

"He is the prince of the universe, the crown of the faith. He is the son of Ali, who is the light of the eyes of the great king (Muhammad). He (Shamsuddin) Muhammad is the father of spiritualism, and the sweetest fruit of the eternal garden of creation."

Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral No vataEncyclopedia Topic

Nine portions

Various Sources NohEncyclopedia Topic

Daughter-in-law

Various Sources NokhlaEncyclopedia Topic

Separate

Various Sources NOOR Encyclopedia Topic

The word noor means light, illumination or effulgence. Light in a general sense is that natural agent or influence, which evokes the functional activity of the organ of sight. It is viewed as the medium of visual perception generally. The word noor occurs 49 times in the Koran. The Koran is rich in reference to light, both in the literal as well as in symbolic and metaphoric senses. The most common word for light is noor, although diya appears on three occasion, also misbah and siraj. Light as a noor most frequently appears juxtaposed to darkness (zulumat). This is most common in the phrase "From the darkness in the light" (mina l-zulumati ila l-noori), which appears at least seven times in the Koran (2:257, 5:16, 14:1, 5; 33:43, 57:9, 65:11). In this context, light functions both as that with which one can see clearly in a literal sense and also as a metaphoric source of guidance and illumination, where darkness is akin to ignorance. In the first sense, light versus darkness is compared to having sight versus being blind: "Say, Is the blind equal with one who sees or is darkness equal with light?" (13:16); this verse is repeated almost verbatim in 35:19. Elsewhere the direct connection between light and seeing versus darkness and not seeing is clearly evoked: "God took away their light and left them in darkness so they could not see" (2:17), and the evocative "Or like the darkness in a deep ocean surmounted by crashing waves with dark clouds above

Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral NOORNoun

Lumière Divine. Sourat al Noor du Coran.

Heritage Dictionary of Ismailism, entry #90general NOOR FATIMAName

Daughter of Ibrahim Sabzwari, married Sadardin.

Fille de Ibrahim Sabzawari, épousa Pir Sadardin.

Heritage Dictionary of ismailism, entry #355general NOOR MEHDI, SEYYEDName

Son of Pir Hassan Kabirdin, buried at Uchh.

Fils de Pir HK, enterré à Uchh.

Heritage Dictionary of ismailism, entry #331general NOORUDDIN, 7è PIRName

Also known as Imam Mohammed bin Ismail. 128AH/746-197/810, was born in Madina. Also knows as al-Reza.(not to be confused Pir Satgour Nour)). He had 6 sons:Ahmad Wafi, Ismail Thani, Jaffar, Issa, Zaid and Ali.

L'Imam Moh'd b. Ismail. 128AH/746-197/810, né à Médine. Aussi connu sous le nom de Al-Reza. (ne pas confondre avec Satgour Nour). Eut 6 fils. Ahmad Wafi, Ismail Thani, Jaffar, Issa, Zaid et Ali.

Heritage Dictionary of ismailism, entry #332general NoriyaEncyclopedia Topic

Anchored, kept ready, captain

Various Sources NORTANoun

NOU RAT (9 nuits). Festival 9 jours avant le festival de DaSERA* en l'honneur de MATA BHAWANI* (SHaKTI*). 1ère nuit du mois de Asor-shoud. Garbi 1:4

Heritage Dictionary of Ismailism, entry #715general NortanEncyclopedia Topic

First nine nights of the Asuj sudi (a month of Indian calendar)

Various Sources NotaEncyclopedia Topic

Was not

Various Sources NotraEncyclopedia Topic

An invitation

Various Sources NOUGaRENoun

L'ignorant. GOUR - WaGaR = sans Ma

Heritage Dictionary of Ismailism, entry #716general NOUR BaKSH, SeyyedName

Son of Sayyed Auliya Ali*b. First Vakil* of Pir Hassan Kabirdin. Also known as Pir Mitha.

Fils de Seyyed Auliya Ali* b. Pir HK. Premier WaKIL*. Egalement connu sous le nom de Pir Mitha.

Heritage Dictionary of ismailism, entry #133general NOURANINoun

Divin, Spirituel. V. Rouhani*

Heritage Dictionary of Ismailism, entry #91general NugreEncyclopedia Topic

One who does not have a Pir, bad

Various Sources NujreEncyclopedia Topic

I

Various Sources NUMAN, QADI Al-Name

End of 3rd Century.AH-363/974. Ismaili lawyer who served during 4 Fatimid Caliphs. Was born into Sunni faith, then converted to Ithnashri. Author of 44 books.Qadi al-Qudat*. See. Da'im* . Had 2 sons: Muhammad and Ali, both Qadi al-Qudat. Died in old Cairo (Misr). See. "Kitab ul-Himma", "Da'im al-Islam", Al-Majalis wa'l Musayarat". For detailed English text on QADI AL-NUMAN click here

Fin 3e S.AH-363/974. Juriste ismaélien du temps de 4 Califes fatimides. Maliki sunni puis Ithna ashari converti. Auteur de 44 livres. Qadi al-Qudat*. V. Da'im* Eut 2 fils: Muhammad et Ali, tous deux Qadi al-Qudat. Mourut au vieux Caire (Misr). V. "Kitab ul-Himma", "Da'im al-Islam", Al-Majalis wa'l Musayarat".

Heritage Dictionary of ismailism, entry #335general NurEncyclopedia Topic

The light

Various Sources Nur dharEncyclopedia Topic

NGr of the time, Nur-al-Dahr, the epithet of Imam Nuruddin Ali (a.s.)

Various Sources Nur kedoEncyclopedia Topic

Of light

Various Sources Nur nuraniyaEncyclopedia Topic

Full of light

Various Sources Nur piyoEncyclopedia Topic

Obtain light

Various Sources Nur Shah PurakhEncyclopedia Topic

Imam, the bearer of the lighL

Various Sources Nur velaEncyclopedia Topic

The time of light, early morning

Various Sources NuraniEncyclopedia Topic

Shining, spiritual

Various Sources NuriEncyclopedia Topic

Spiritual, luminous

Various Sources NURUDDIN ALI (922-957/1516-1550), 38TH IMAMEncyclopedia Topic

"His name was Nur-Dahr (the light of the faith), and was also known as Nur-Dahr Khalilullah. His name however in the official list of the Imams appears as Nuruddin Ali. According to another tradition, he was also called Nizar Ali Shah. He mostly resided in Anjudan, and betrothed to a Safavid lady.

Shah Ismail, the founder of the Safavids died in 930/1524, and was succeeded by his eldest son, Tahmasp, who was ten years and three months old. The Kizilbash took over control of the state and usurped the authority of the new king for a decade. In 940/1533, Shah Tahmasp executed Hussain Khan Shamlu, the most powerful Kizilbash leader, and took over the power. The civil war in Iran had critically paralyzed the state and given an unexpected opportunity to the two most formidable enemies of the Safavid state, the Ottoman Turks in the west and the Uzbeks in the east, to strike deep into Safavid territory. Between 1524 and 1538, the Uzbeks, led by the vigorous Obaidullah Khan, launched five major invasions on Khorasan. Even more dangerous were the four full-scale invasions of Iran between 1533 and 1553 by the Ottomans, then at the height of their power under the great sultan Suleman (900-974/1494-1566), known as The Lawgiver, and to the West as The Magnificent. The remarkable thing is not that the Safavids suffered serious losses of territory as a result of these onslaughts, but that they were not overwhelmed. Shah Tahmasp, struggling against discord and disloyalty and treachery in high places, both on the part of Kizilbash chiefs and on the part of his own brothers, managed to hold the Safavid state together for more then half a century.

The Ottoman sultan Suleman launched his incursion in Azerbaijan in 940/1533 against the Safavids. At this critical juncture, a heavy snowfall blanketed the plain of Sultaniyya, where the Ottomans were encamped, and many Turkish soldiers perished from exposure. Sultan Suleman, unable to return on the route by which he had come, because no supplies were to be had in Azerbaijan, and was forced to withdraw through Kurdistan. He however occupied Baghdad. The second round of the Ottoman offensive opened the following year, and was directed by sultan Suleman from Baghdad. A number of engagements were fought at various points between Kurdistan and the Armenian highlands. The third Ottoman inroad occurred in 955/1548, and like the first, was on a massive scale. Shah Tahmasp made his usual preparations to meet the new onslaught. He had the entire area between Tabriz and the Ottoman frontier laid waste, so that no trace of grain or blade of grass remained. The Ottomans once again occupied Tabriz, but their forces soon began to suffer acutely from lack of provisions. When their pack-animals began to die like flies, sultan Suleman again beat the retreat. Shah Tahmasp had already transferred his capital from Tabriz to Qazwin. The fourth and last onslaught by the Ottomans during the reign of sultan Suleman was conducted in 960/1553. Peace was finally signed at Amasya in 962/1555, and Iran obtained a much needed respite from Ottoman inroads.

The Mughal dynasty was founded by Babar in India. He was a Chaghatai Turk who originally sought to establish his own state in his native Central Asia. Blocked in Central Asia by the Uzbeks, he established himself in Kabul, and invaded India in 932/1526 from his base in Afghanistan. He thus founded the Mughal empire, and died in 937/1530. He was succeeded by Humayun, who had been repelled by Sher Shah Suri (947-952/1540-1545). Humayun had to take refuge in Iran with Shah Tahmasp. With the aids of Shah Tahmasp, Humayun finally restored his Indian domains after 15 years. Shah Tahmasp spread his influence in India, and tied his relation with Burhan Nizam Shah and Shah Tahir Hussain of Ahmadnagar.

The Ismailis had mostly joined the Safavid army in Khorasan, some of them held high posts. The Safavid retained their relation with the Imam. Imam Nuruddin Ali however advised his followers to be very watchful, because Shah Tahmasp was a man of great cruelty.

Like his father, Imam Nuruddin Ali also used to visit different villages to see and guide his followers. It is related that in Dizbad, once the Ismaili women assembled in a house to weave cotton with Khaki Khorasani, who was yet a boy. Imam Nuruddin Ali happened to come there and entered the room to see his followers. He then went out and mounted his horse. Khaki Khorasani urged the Imam reverently to take him along, but the Imam said, "When you will be able to pass a comb through your beard, then I will take you with me." The child made the gesture to touch his beardless face. The Imam however took him along, and rode together towards the end of the village, where today from a rock, gushes a spring of Naw Hisar. They had an intimate conversation, and in the course of which the Imam advised his young disciple to work on the path of God if he would like to achieve his goal for salvation. This incident marked the outset of the poetical and missionary career of Khaki Khorasani.

The Imam retained the tradition of vakil in Hind and Sind. The tradition of numainda (representative) was retained in Badakhshan, and the local chiefs were selected for the office. Imam Nuruddin Ali began to appoint the vakil, numainda or hujjat from his family members, and the local chiefs were directed to work under them. This newly system gave a gravity to the Ismaili mission. The names of many other vakils in Central Asia are found without their biographies, and it is difficult to locate their periods.

The Ismaili poet Mahmud Ali was hailed from Mominabad. In his one long poem, Mahmud Ali names the Ismaili da'is, mu'allims and lesser functionaries in numerous localities in Khorasan, Kohistan, Irak-i Ajam, Kirman, Afghanistan, Badakhshan, Turkistan and the Indian subcontinent, including Multan, Lahore and Gujrat.

Imam Nuruddin Ali consigned the office of Imamate to his son, Khalilullah Ali, and died in 957/1550 in Anjudan. The details of his other five sons are inaccessible.

Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral Nusa (Nausha)Encyclopedia Topic

Groom

Various Sources NyarijiEncyclopedia Topic

Strange, wonderful

Various Sources OchareEncyclopedia Topic

Reads, speaks

Various Sources OchareEncyclopedia Topic

Says, reads, saying, reading

Various Sources OchariyaEncyclopedia Topic

Said

Various Sources OchhaEncyclopedia Topic

Less

Various Sources OchhadEncyclopedia Topic

Sheet, coverlet

Various Sources OchhadEncyclopedia Topic

Bed sheet, bed cover

Various Sources OchhavEncyclopedia Topic

Festival, occasion

Various Sources OchherunEncyclopedia Topic

Less, incomplete, short

Various Sources