Ismaili Dictionary & Encyclopedia
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Dead
Various Sources MARTYR [ see SHAHID ]Encyclopedia TopicEncyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral MaruaEncyclopedia TopicA type of flower, name of an aromatic plant
Various Sources MaruaEncyclopedia TopicTo die, liable to death
Various Sources Marun marunEncyclopedia TopicMine, to be possessive
Various Sources Marun marunEncyclopedia TopicMy, selfishness
Various Sources MaRYANounDécédé. "marna hé jarour..." (Il faudra bien mourir un jour...).
Heritage Dictionary of Ismailism, entry #681general MasEncyclopedia TopicFlesh, meat
Various Sources MasEncyclopedia TopicMeat
Various Sources MasEncyclopedia TopicMonth
Various Sources MasEncyclopedia TopicMeat, flesh
Various Sources Mas / MansEncyclopedia TopicFlesh, meat
Various Sources Masa (Masha)Encyclopedia TopicA jeweler's or goldsmith's weight, equal to eight rattis or seeds of the Arbus Precatorius
Various Sources MasanEncyclopedia TopicGraveyard, crematorium, cemetery
Various Sources MASHA ALLAH Encyclopedia TopicIt means what God does, is well done. It is usually uttered at the end of an act and reminds us that, ultimately, whatever comes from God, and that whatever is realized is not by human effort alone but through His Will.
Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral MasitaEncyclopedia TopicMosque
Various Sources MASIYAFEncyclopedia TopicMasiyaf is a town of central Syria on the eastern side of the Jabal al-Nusairia, situated at 33 miles to the east of Baniyas and 28 miles to the east of Hammah. The word masiyaf is derived from the second form verb sayyafa means to pass the summer. The pronunciation and orthography of the name varies between the form, Masyad, Masyaf, Mayat, Masyath, Masyab, Masyah and Messiat. The stronghold of Masiyaf lies to the northeast of the settlement, at the foot of the Jabal al-Bahra. It was an Arab citadel, perched on a rocky limestone block. Like an impregnable fort of Alamut, Masiyaf was atop a projecting, almost perpendicular rock. It was the chief among the Ismaili castles, a veritable eagle's nest, perched on a scarcely accessible peak, and commanding a desolate ravine. The Syrian Ismailis obtained its possession in 535/1140. It must be known that during his last visit to Syria on November 2, 2001, the Present Imam through the applause and cheers of thousand, walked through the streets of Masiyaf to the top of its citadel.
Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral MASJIDEncyclopedia TopicThe word masjid is derived from sajd (prostration), thus it means the place of prostration. The English word mosque derives via French mosquee, the old French mousquaie, the old Italian moschea and moscheta, while moschee in German and mescit in Turkish - all came from the Arabic via Spanish mezquita. In East Africa, the mosque is commonly spoken of in Swahili as msikiti (pl. misikiti). In Indonesia, it is pronounced as mesigit, masigit and maseghit. The Chinese call it Ch'ing-chen ssu.
The word masjid is derived from the Aramaic masged, meaning place of worship. The word masjid appears 27 times in the Koran, 15 times in the phrase al-masjid al-haram (the holy mosque). It is used once in the phrase al-masjid al-aqsa (the farthest mosque).
In Mecca, the Muslim community had no special place of worship. The Prophet used to perform the salat in secret in the narrow alleys of Mecca (Ibn Hisham, p. 159). The references are usually to the solitary salat of the Prophet, sometimes beside the Kaba (Ibid., p. 190), sometimes in his house (Ibid., p. 203). The first mosque of Islam was built in Kuba. On his migration, the Prophet halted with the family of Amir b. Awf, where he stayed for 14 days. He founded the mosque on a site, which belonged to his host Kulsoom and was used as a place for drying dates. According to others, to a woman named Labba, who tethered her ass there. The Prophet made Abu Bakr first, then Umar without success, then Ali bin Abu Talib mounted a camel to bring stone from the Harra. Thus, the Prophet laid the first stone for the foundation of the mosque in Kuba.
In Medina, the Prophet took up his abode with Abu Ayub Ansari, but during the first period of his stay in Medina, he conducted the salat in the house of Abu Umama Asad. Later, the Prophet expressed desires to purchase the adjoining piece of ground in Medina, and bought it from the two orphans, Sohal and Sohail, who were wards of Asad. The site measuring 54 yards width and 60 yards in length was cleared, the palms cut down and the walls built. The building material was bricks baked in the sun (labin). On the north wall, at first left open, the stems of the palm trees which had been cut down were soon set up as columns and a roof was put over them of palm-leaves and clay. On the east side two huts of similar materials were built for the Prophet's wives. When the qibla was moved to the south, the arbour at the north wall remained; under the arbour called suffa or zulla, the homeless Companions (ahl as-suffa) found shelter (Bukhari, 48:62). In seven months, the work was completed. The mosque became known as the Prophet's Mosque (masjid-i nabwi). It was free from all kinds of artificialities and was a monument of simplicity, having only a courtyard with a wall around it. It was the courtyard of the Prophet's houses and at the same time the meeting-place for the believers and the place for common prayer. The unconverted Thaqifis were once received by the Prophet in the mosque to conduct negotiations and he even put up three tents for them in the courtyard (Ibn Hisham, p. 916). The envoys from Banu Tamim also went freely about in the mosque and called for the Prophet, who dealt with them after he had finished prayers (Ibid., p. 933). The Ahl al-Kitab and their servants were allowed to enter the mosque of Medina (Masnad, 3:339). But at a later date, entrance was forbidden to Christians and this regulation is credited to Umar. At a later period, the khutba was delivered exceptionally, without minbar and only with staff, until Marwan b. Muhammad in 132/750 introduced the minbar into the Egyptian villages (Makrizi, 4:7).
Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral MASJID, ADMISSION OF WOMEN INEncyclopedia TopicThe status of women in Islam, especially with regards to such issues as marriage, inheritance, veiling and seclusion has received a great deal of scholarly attention. For women, the mosque meant access to almost every aspect of public life. Debarring or limiting their access means restricting their participation in public life. Gender segregation, as seen in most mosques today, is such a limitation, for it limits women's full access. This both hampers their participation and can even shut them out completely. Segregation can be implemented either through a screen or a wall, or by distance, as happens when placing women behind men during the congregational prayers.
Little has been written however on gender segregation in the mosque. One should perhaps mention Nimat Hafez Barazangi, who has expressed the need for women to frequent mosques in her Muslim Women's Islamic Higher Learning as a Human Right: The Action Plan" (vide Muslim Women and the Politics of Participation, ed. Mahnaz Afkhami and Erika Friedl, Syracuse University Press, 1997, pp. 56-7). Other works include Nabia Abbott's Women and the State in Early Islam (vide Journal of Near Eastern Studies, No. 1, 1942, pp. 114-5), which provides useful historical perspective on this issue. The write-up of Nevin Reda entitled, Women in the Mosque: Historical Perspectives on Segregation (vide, The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, 2:2, Nov., 2004, pp. 77-97) is also an excellent contribution in this context. Also noteworthy is the work of two Islamic scholars, the first being al-Ghazalli, who advocated a better position for women, vide Min Huna Na'lam (Cairo, 1968, 5:185-195) and Turathuna al-Fikri fi Mizan al-Shar wa al-Aql (Cairo, 1991, 00. 158-168). He severely criticized the widespread exclusion of women from the mosque and defended their right to participate. The second one is Ahmad Shawqi al-Fanjari, who specifically addressed segregation in his al-Ikhtilat fi al-Din fi al-Tarikh fi Ilm al-Ijtima (Cairo, 1987, pp. 42-46). He promoted non-segregation and women's participation in public life, including the mosque.
The Koran provides interesting evidence for women’s access to the mosque during the Prophet’s period. It can be gleaned from the minute examination of two kinds of verses. The first kind consists of general verses that deal more or less with all Muslims. They are in the male plural, which, in Arabic, can include women. On the other hand, the female plural does not include men. The second kind is gender-specific and specifies women, either by the female plural or by referring to a specific person. All Muslims are asked to pray in every mosque and to take their adornments: “Say: My Lord has commanded justice and that you look toward (Him) at every mosque” (7:29) and “O children of Adam! Wear your beautiful apparel (zinat) at every time and when attending the mosque” (7:31). The “children of Adam” denotes the humankind comprises of male and female. Several verses talk negatively of those who prevent believers from mosques and warn them of severe punishment (2:114, 8:34, 22:25 and 48:25).
“Who is more unjust than one who prevents (believers) from celebrating God’s name in his mosques and strives to ruin them? It is not fitting that such should enter them, except in fear. Disgrace will be theirs in this world and an exceeding torment in the world to come” (2:114) and “The mosques of God shall be visited by one who believes in God and the last day, and keeps up prayer and pays the poor-rate and fears none but God” (9:18).
The above verses indicate the right and obligation of every Muslim to participate in the mosque’s activities. The context suggests that this applies to “the believers” regardless of gender. The participation of women is not stated explicitly, it is however clearer in the gender-specific verses. When the Koran refers to man, the Arabic word usually used is insan or bashar. Both of these terms mean human being, and not the male sex, and therefore all of the injunctions in the Koran addressing man are in fact addressed to “men and women” alike. Ibn Hajr (d. 852/1449) writes that once Umm Salama was having her hair combed when she heard the sermons starting in the mosque. The Prophet began with the words, “O’people….” On hearing this she told the woman who was combing her hair to braid it just as it was. The woman asked her why she was such hurry. Umm Salama replied, “Are we not counted among “people?” And so saying, she promptly braided her hair and went to the corner of the mosque and listened to the sermon (vide Fath al-Bari fi Sharh al-Bukhari, 2:284).
Tirmizi relates that Umm Ammarah, an Ansari woman once came to the Prophet and asked about the Koran, why it addressed only men when women, too, accepted God and His Prophet. The question occasioned the revelation of the Koranic verses explicitly addressing women as well as men: “For Muslim men and women, for believing men and women, for devout men and women, for true (truthful) men and women, for men and women who are patient and constant, for men and women who humble themselves, for men and women who give in charity, for men and women who fast, for men and women who guard their chastity, and for men and women who engage much in God’s praise, for them has God prepared forgiveness and a great reward” (33:35). It is a response that unequivocally shows Prophet’s readiness to hear women, and thereafter, the Koran explicitly addressed women a number of times. Syed Qutb writes in Fi Dhilal al-Koran (Beirut, p. 2863) that, “In above verses men and women are both mentioned together. This is one of many different aspects in which Islam honours women and establishes their dignity. These verses are also a confirmation that men and women are equal in terms of their relationship with their Creator, in worship, religious obligations and moral conduct.”
Another two verses specify women’s relationship to group prayers. The first is as follows: “The male believers and the female believers are each others’ allies. They enjoin good and forbid evil, establish prayer and pay the alms, and obey God and His Prophet. Upon these God will have mercy” (9:71). It signifies togetherness in prayers as well as in enjoining good, forbidding evil, giving alms, and obeying God and His Prophet. These activities clearly have a public aspect to their fulfillment and are mandated for both men and women.
The second gender-specific verse is addressed to Mary as follows: “O Mary! Humble yourself before your Lord, prostrate yourself, and bow down with those who bow down” (3:43). The phrase ma’a al-raki’in means with those who bow down. The word raki’in is the masculine plural form. It may or may not include women, but it must include men. The feminine plural would have been raki’at, which is not used in this context. Thus, Mary is ordered to pray with a group that includes men. Also interesting is the preposition ma’a, which means with not behind, away from or segregated from in any way. Mary’s presence in what could possibly have been the Masjid al-Aqsa may have significant implications for female access to mosques. Besides, Mary’s connection with the temple began before her birth. Her mother is portrayed as saying: “My Lord! I have consecrated by vow (nazartu) to you what is inside my womb as a freed persons (muharraran)” (3:35). The word nazr means to make a vow or to dedicate oneself to a deity or to live as a nazirite. It implied that Mary’s mother was promising her unborn child would be a nazirite, part of the temple’s personnel, and thus Mary’s example is a significant aspect of understanding the Koran’s position on women’s access to sacred space.
The sanctuary of the Sacred Mosque in Mecca has its origins in the pre-Islamic period, continued and flourished after the advent of Islam. It features an ancient house. During the Prophet’s early activity in Mecca, its condition was more or less a continuation of pagan practices. The women made tawaf, sacrificed their animals, and the Qoraishi women performed sa’y. After the conquest of Mecca, the Prophet retained some of the pre-Islamic rituals, such as tawaf and sa’y, but other were changed. Women’s access to every part of the Sacred Mosque continued unchanged from jahili times. Even today, women have complete access to the mosque and can pray wherever and whenever they like.
The Prophet built a second mosque after migrating to Medina. Its structure, which also functioned as his home, was simple nearly square enclosure of approximately 56x53 meters with a single entrance. The qibla side had a double range of palm-trunk columns thatched with palm leaves. The prayers were conducted in the vast empty courtyard. Significantly, there appear to have been no walls or other barriers separating men and women, or any other known material evidence of gender segregation during the Medina period. It was not only a place for prayer, but a center for many other activities as well. It functioned as the school where people learned their religion, and the parliament where the community discussed new laws and affairs of the state. It was also a courthouse where judgments were passed, and the community center where families met their friends and neighbours, and held their celebrations. In short, it was the hub and center of public life for the emerging Muslim nation.
A’isha narrates that the women used to be present at the morning prayer in the mosque, which was said at an hour so early that they returned to their houses while it was still dark. (Bukhari, 8:13). Yet another tradition indicates that when the Prophet had finished his prayers, he used to stay a little and did not rise until the women had left the mosque. (Ibid, 1:152). According to another tradition, on certain night the Prophet was very late in coming out to lead the night prayers, when the people had assembled in the mosque; and he came only on hearing Umar call out, “The women and the children are going to sleep.” (Ibid, 9:22). It is also narrated that even the women who had children to suckle would come to the mosque, and that when the Prophet heard a baby crying, he would shorten his prayer lest the mother should feel inconvenience.” (Ibid, 10:65)
The above traditions afford overwhelming evidence of the fact that the women just in the same way as men used to frequent the mosques and that there was no least restriction for their admission. There are few more hadiths, which indicate that the Prophet had given orders not to prohibit women from going to the mosques. One tradition makes the Prophet as saying, “Do not prohibit the handmaids of God from going to the mosques of God.” (Bukhari, 11:12). Besides, the Prophet is reported to have said that if a woman wanted to go to the mosque at night, she should not be prohibited from doing so.” (Ibid, 10:162). The words of one another tradition is more general that, “When the wife of one of you asks permission to go out, she should not be prohibited from doing so.” (Ibid, 10:166). Ibn Majah quotes Ibn Abbas as narrating that the Prophet took his daughters and wives to the Eid congregations.
Umm Waraqah bint Abdullah bin al-Harith Ansari had collected the Koran, and the Prophet commanded her to lead the people of her area (dar) in prayer. She had her own mu’azin, and she used to lead the people of her area, vide Bulugh al-Amani (5, 3:1375) by al-Banna. The apparent meaning included the mu’azin (a man who calls to prayer), a ghulam (a male slave), and a jariyah (a female slave).
Atiqa bint Zaid (d. 672), the wife of caliph Umar used to go to the mosque for prayer and listening to the sermons recited by Umar himself. According to Muwatta, Umar did not like his wife to go to the mosque, but could not prevent her. And she continued to going to the mosque and used to say, “By God! I will go to the mosque till I am forbidden in clear words.” As the Prophet had permitted them, Umar did not like to restrict them by force of law.
According to the Sunan (2:58) of Abu Daud, a woman is also spoken of as acting as an imam (prayer leader) while men followed her.” It is also narrated by Reet Hanafiya that A’isha led us in obligatory prayer and stood among the women in the middle of row (Ibn Hazm, 3:126). According to al-Isti’ab fi Asma al-Ashab, Sa’dah bint Qammamah used to lead prayers of women. Umm Salama also led the prayers of women in the month of Ramzan.
Umm Humayd liked to pray with the Prophet in his mosque, but he told her that, “I know you like to pray with me, but your praying in your home (baytiki) is better for you than your praying in your house (hujratiki), and your praying in your house is better for you than your praying in your area (dariki), and your praying in your area is better for you than your praying in the mosque of your tribe (masjid qawmiki), and your praying in the mosque of your tribe is better for you than your praying in my mosque” (Bulugh al-Amani, 5,2:1337). So she commanded that a mosque be built for her in the furthest and darkest corner of her home (bayt), and she used to pray there until she died. This tradition appears to outline a hierarchy of prayer areas, ranging from the most secluded to the most public.
Afzular Rahman writes in Role of Muslim Woman in Society (London, 1986, p. 67) that the Prophet ordained rules in this context and said, “The best place for men is in the front rows, and the worst at the rear, whereas the best place for women is at the rear, and the worst in the front rows.” Even the husband and wife or mother were not permitted to stand together. It is reported by Malik bin Anas, “My maternal grandmother, Mulaikah, invited the Prophet to dinner. When the meal was over, the Prophet stood up for prayers. Yatim and I stood behind him and my grandmother stood behind us” (Tirmizi). Ibn Abbas also reported a similar tradition: Once the Prophet rose for prayer. I stood beside him and A’isha stood behind us.” (Nisai)
Ibn Sa’d (5:16-17) writes that Umar ordered Suleman bin Abi Hathmah to act as a separate imam for the women in the mosque, while men prayed behind another imam. This report records the first time that segregation was instituted in the mosque. Since caliph Umar did not like his wife to go to the mosque, but he could not legitimately deny her access, he chose to implement segregation instead. Thus, he was not prohibiting her, but rather was limiting her access. Umar instituted segregated prayers, appointing a separate imam for each sex. He chose a male imam for the women, another departure from precedent, for it is known that the Prophet appointed a woman, Umm Waraka, to act as imam for her entire household, which included men as well a women (Tabaqat, 3:335). Moreover, after Prophet’s death, A’isha and Umm Salama acted as imam for other women (Ibid. 8:355-56). He finally fixed a separate door of the mosque for use by women, and forbade men to use that door for entrance and exit (Abu Daud).
Atiqa bint Zaid was famous for her beauty, intelligence and poetic ability, who also married four men. Her first husband, son of caliph Abu Bakr, died leaving a substantial inheritance on condition that she not remarries. After rejecting numerous suitors, she finally accepted caliph Umar, who was murdered in 644. Then she married Zubayr bin Awwam, on condition that he would not beat her or prevent her from attending prayers at the mosque. He died in battle in 656, so she took her fourth husband.
Umar also prevented the Prophet’s widows from going to the mosque in Mecca when he forbade them to perform pilgrimage. However, he seems to have relented before his death and allowed them to go. Ibn Sa’d (5:17) writes that when caliph Uthman came to power, he once again allowed women to pray together with men, but in a segregated manner: behind the men and held back until the men departed.
Caliph Uthman (644-56) allowed Prophet’s wives to go on pilgrimage and revoked Umar’s arrangement for separate imams. Men and women once again attended mosque together, although women now gathered in a separate group and left after the men. (Ibid. 5:17)
There are however different views as to when the practice of admission of women in the mosques continued after the Prophet. “The practice for women to be present in the mosques at the time of prayer seems to have continued long enough after the Prophet’s times. Within the mosque they were not separated from men by any screen or curtain; only they formed into a line behind the men” (Bukhari, 10:164), and though they were covered decently with an overgarment, they did not wear a veil. On the occasion of the great gathering of the pilgrimage, a woman is expressly forbidden to wear a veil. (Bukhari, 25:23). The traditions are explicit to show that the women formed themselves into a back row and the men retained their seats until women went out of mosque. (al-Muslim, 4:28).
It implies from the above traditions that no hard and fast rule governed in Islam to restrict women’s access to the mosques. H.A.R. Gibb writes in Mohammedanism (New York, 1955, p. 55) that, “It seems that at Medina women joined in the congregational prayers, standing in rows behind the men.” Alfred Guillaume also writes in Islam (1963, p. 69) that, “In the Prophet’s time women attended public prayers in the mosque, standing behind the men.” Ibn al-Hadjdj records in Madkhal (2:54) that, “The business was done in the mosque. Women sit in the mosques and sell thread, in Mecca hawkers even call their wares in the mosque.” According to A.M.A. Shushtery, “Arab ladies freely recited their compositions in the assemblies of men. Girl students were permitted to remain unveiled before their teachers. Women were free to go out for shopping, to join prayers and to attend lectures on religion.” (Outlines of Islamic Culture (Banglore, 1954, p. 513). Leila Ahmed writes in Women and Gender in Islam (London, 1992, p. 72) that, “Broadly speaking, the evidence on women in early Muslim society suggests that they characteristically participated in and were expected to participated in the activities that preoccupied their community; those included religion as well as war. Women of the first Muslim community attended mosque, took part in religious services on feast days, and listened to Muhammad’s discourses. Nor were they passive, docile followers but were active interlocutors in the domain of faith as they were in other matters. Thus, the hadith narratives show women acting and speaking out of a sense that they were entitled to participate in the life of religious thought and practice, to comment forthrightly on any topic, even the Koran, and to do so in the expectation of having their views heard.”
“This practice seems to have existed for a very long time. Thus we read of women calling out Allahu Akbar along with men in the mosque during the three days following Eid al-Adha so late at the time of Umar bin Abdul Aziz, the Umayyad caliph, who ruled about the end of the first century.” (Bukhari, 13:12)
Azraqi writes in Akhbar al-Mekka (2:197) that, “In the year 256/870, the governor of Mecca had ropes tied between the columns to make a separate place for the women.” Later on, the practice grew up of erecting a wooden barrier in the mosque to form a separate place for women, but by and by the purdah conception grew so strong that women were altogether shut out from the mosque.
Nevin Reda writes in Women in the Mosque: Historical Perspectives on Segregation that, “By the end of the third Islamic century, the pattern of Islamic society, especially among the higher classes, had changed markedly from what had prevailed during the first period. The system of total segregation and seclusion of women had been instituted, and women no longer had the right to participate freely in public life.” (cf. The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, 2:2, Nov., 2004, p. 93).
It however infers from different versions that the attendance of women in the mosques continued long after 256/870. “Until the third century of Hijra, and even later” says Reuben Levy in The Social Structure of Islam (1962, p. 126) that, “women enjoyed with men the right to pray in the mosque : Omar is said to have appointed a Koran reader especially for them at public worship. They were not required then to be veiled; but the law-books prescribed the kind of dress to be worn, which consists of at least two pieces – a chemise, and a cloak for the upper part of the head and the body. The face, hands and upper side of the feet need not be covered.”
The Moorish traveler Ibn Jubayr travelled Spain to Mecca and back in the years 1183-1185, who found women as well as men gathered together to hear a famous preacher at Baghdad. The women, amongst whom was the caliph’s mother, were stationed behind a latticed window in the royal palace, while the general mass of the congregation were assembled in the courtyard below. The preacher, however, knew of the presence of the august lady, for he called down blessings upon her and pronounced an eulogy in which he called her “The Most Noble Veil” and “The Most Compassionate Presence.” (vide Ibn Jubayr, Travels, ed. by Wright and de Goeje, Leiden, 1907, p. 222)
In the present age, the women offer prayer with men in many places of Iran, Turkey, Indonesia, Western Asia, some countries in Europe and Arab. Reuben Levy (p. 131) further writes that, “Women in Muslim lands still attend prayers at the mosque it is at festival only, although at Mecca they come regularly but are separated by a grill from the men. Further, at Agades, amongst the Tuaregs, while the men pray – presumably in the open – the women stand at one side listening. This is the case also in a good many other places in the realms of Islam.”
Asghar Ali Engineer writes in The Quran, Women and Modern Society (New Delhi, 1999, p. 9) that, “Today in most of the Muslim societies women are prevented from going to the mosque and where they are permitted to go, they are segregated. In the Prophet’s time they used to attend the mosques. Umar, the second caliph, who was rather harsh towards women, both in public and private life, tried to prevent women from attending mosques but failed. He then introduced segregation. Women were supposed to pray behind a male prayer leader and a woman could not lead men in prayer. But the Prophet had permitted, as we find in Tabaqat (8:335) by Ibn Sa’d, Umm Waraqah to lead her entire household in prayer which also included male members. In Kaba in Mecca during hajj men as well as women pray together.”
No doubt, the original practice of Islam to offer prayer by men and women in the prayer-halls is virtually continued in the Shi’a Imami Ismaili tariqah. Syed M.H. Zaidi writes in “The Muslim Womanhood in Revolution” (Calcutta, 1935, p. 132) that, “Ismaili women attend social functions and assembly of men, they say their prayers in the Jamatkhanas at the same time with men as was done in the days of the Holy Prophet, and long after under his successors.”
Imam Sultan Muhammad Shah gave a most important message of “Importance of Women” to the women in Pakistan, which is given below:-
“I do not think you realize yourselves and I am sorry to say, certainly the men of Pakistan and a few other Muslim countries do not realize the importance of women taking an equal rank with men in the welfare, in the Government and in the general activity and prosperity of the country. Only the other day, the Minister of Wakfs, one of the leading ulema of Egypt responsible for religious affairs, was telling me that a country is like a human body – men and women are two lungs – if you reduce the power of women, you crush them with inhibitions and imaginary restrictions based ultimately on man’s superior physical power, in a nation, it is exactly like a human being who has one lung perforated by tuberculosis and only one lung to work. Ladies believe me, if Pakistan does not rise to the modern idea of the equal position of women, you will find not only Europe but all the other countries of Asia going ahead of you. I am heartbroken when I see how little so many of our men realize what it is, and how little the women contribute, compared to what they could contribute to the moral and material happiness and prosperity of the country. To begin with, the women here, to my horror, are forbidden taking part in the religious life of the country. In practically, every Muslim country the women are allowed to go to mosques for Friday prayers and there are proper wings divided by purdah from the men where they conduct Friday prayers. Perhaps the greatest blot in Pakistan is the neglect of Friday prayers by Muslims generally, but above all, not giving women occasions for participating in these most important prayers. If you are forbidden even prayer what can you expect? The first thing to agitate for, is to get your right for your prayers, which women enjoy in practically every Muslim country. In Cairo, there are special mosques, like the Mohammedali Mosque, where galleries are reserved for women. In North Africa, in the Paris Mosque and the London Mosque at Woking, in Iran and in Turkey, women have their own special place for Friday prayers. When you do not allow the women to pray, how can you expect them to do any lay service for the country. First of all you must win the right to prayers, then win your right to equality in production, industrial service and in office work. I am an old man and I can expect very little in this world but my message to you women is : organize yourselves, resist and fight for your rights. On last word, some of our champions of inhibitions fear that liberty will lead to sexual immorality. Believe me, when women from childhood and adolescence have seen men, then there is very little likelihood of that, except in naturally bad characters who will be bad always under any conditions, either of freedom or restrictions. I have lived in most European and American countries, and I have no hesitation in saying that only one out of 1,000 families is broken up by sexual misdemeanour and the other 999 go through happy life bringing up children, living perfectly moral lives in which little thought is given to sexual relations and the whole life is taken up for service to the children, to the family, to the husband and to the country. My dear Muslim sisters – one result of this is that some of your men who lock up their women, when they go to Paris, rush to indulge in their horrible instincts and for that go to places where (like in every great city, even in Muslim countries) there are prostitutes and shows for encouraging sexual depravity. But that is not life of the people. The overwhelming life of the people is happy family relations and far more devotion to children than you can possibly get out of purdah nashin. Oh my sisters, agitate. Leave no peace to the men till they give you religious freedom by opening mosques for prayers not side by side with men but in reserved quarters attached to all the mosques, so that the habit of praying in public and self respect and self-confidence becomes general amongst women. On that foundation of religious equality, you can then build social, economic, patriotic and political equality with men. I pray Allah Almighty to open the eyes of our benighted men and some of our still more benighted women.” (Message to the world of Islam, Karachi, 1977, pp. 58-61).
According to Women and Gender in Islam (London, 1992, p. 101),“These findings obviously have relevance to the issues being debated in Muslim societies today, especially given the trend toward interpreting Muslim classical law yet more rigidly and toward endorsing, socially and governmentally, the orthodox Islamic discourse on gender and women. Now that women in unprecedented and ever-growing numbers are coming to form part of the intellectual community in Muslim countries – they are already reclaiming the right, not enjoyed for centuries, to attend mosque – perhaps those early struggles around the meaning of Islam will be explored in new ways and the process of the creation of Islamic law and the core discourse brought fully into question.”
Confining women to the homes was a legal punishment for fornication provided four witnesses test testified to her guilt: “Those who commit fornication (fahisha) from your women, get four witnesses against them from among you. If they should testify, then confine them to homes until death claims them or God opens up a way for them” (4:15). Mind it that this is the only reason of confining the women to the homes, therefore, it can be argued that it would be illegal to apply such punishment against innocent women who intend to offer prayers in the mosques.
Nevin Reda remarks, “The situation of women in the mosque toward the end of the first quarter of the tenth century contrasts starkly with that of the “ideal” period. The descriptions of the mosques’ layout and the Quran indicate women’s complete access and participation. Perhaps the Quran’s importance lies not only in the historical information it contains, but also in the authority that Muslims give it : As it is the word of God, it has precedence over any other source. Perhaps in it lies hope for the future of women in the mosque.” (cf. The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, 2:2, Nov., 2004, p. 95).
Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral MASJID-I AQSAEncyclopedia TopicThe temple of Jerusalem is honoured in the Koran (17:1) as al-majid al-Aqsa (lit. the remote mosque). The sacredness of Jerusalem is emphasized on numerous places. Abraham migrated to the land of Canaanite around 1805 BC. The Koran states: "And We made them the greater losers. But We delivered him and (his nephew) Lot (and directed them) to the land which We have blessed for the nations" (21: 69-71). The Koran reports Moses telling his people: "O my people! Enter the holy land, which God has prescribed for you" (5: 21). It is further stated: "(It was Our power that made) the violent (unruly) wind flown (tamely) for Solomon. To his order, to the land which We had blessed..." (21: 81). Jerusalem is the resting place of the prophets including Abraham, Jacob, Isaac and according to the commentators, there are over hundred prophets buried in its soil. It was the first qibla of the Muslims. This practice continued until 16-17 months after hijra. To Muslims, Jerusalem houses one of the holiest mosques, the masjid al-Aqsa and represents a place of greatest religious significance.
Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral MASJID-I HARAMEncyclopedia TopicThe Kaba stands in the center of a parallelogram whose dimensions are as follows: North-west side 545 feet, south-east side 553 feet, north-east side 360 feet and south-west side 364 feet. This are is known as al-Masjid al-Haram, or the Sacred Mosque, the famous mosque in Mecca. In the Koran this name occurs in revelations of the early Meccan period, as in 17:1. The area of the Sacred Mosque contains, besides the Kaba, the Maqam Ibrahim and the Zamzam buildings. The term Baitullah (House of God) is applied to the whole enclosure, although it more specially denotes the Kaba itself. Masjid-i Haram means the Sacred Mosque. It is the first house of the worship of God that was ever built on the earth (3:96). The tradition has it that it was built by Adam, then rebuilt by Abraham and his son Ismael on the same site as it had been damaged by the Deluge. After the completion of the Kaba, Abraham prayed to God: "Our Lord! Send amongs them an Apostle of their own, who shall rehearse Your signs to them and instruct them in Scripture and Wisdom, and sanctify them, for You are the Exalted in Might, the Wise" (2:129). The Sacred Mosque was the center of all administrative activities before Islam, as within it was situated the Dar al-Nadwa (the Council Hall), where important matters regarding the weal or woe of the people were settled. After the advent of Islam, the Sacred Mosque has been the pivot of the intellectual activities of Mecca, and the whole Muslim world looks upon it as its central point.
Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral MASJID-I KUBA [ see MASJID ]Encyclopedia TopicMASJID-I NABWI [ see MASJID ]
Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral MASSOOD B. IBRAHIMNameKing of Ghazna. Pir Mahmood Shah was his companion and he was killed while accompanyingthe king to Lahore.
Roi de Ghazna. Pir Mahmood Shah était son compagnon et fut tué en l'accompagnant à Lahore.
Heritage Dictionary of ismailism, entry #308general MastakEncyclopedia TopicHead
Various Sources MASUMNounImmaculé, préservé, immunisé de toute souillure.
Heritage Dictionary of Ismailism, entry #73general MatEncyclopedia TopicIntellect, common-sense
Various Sources MatEncyclopedia TopicMother
Various Sources MatEncyclopedia TopicWish, desire, understanding, thought
Various Sources MatEncyclopedia TopicDo not
Various Sources MatEncyclopedia TopicUnderstandjng, wisdom, thought
Various Sources MatEncyclopedia TopicMother
Various Sources Mat pitaEncyclopedia TopicMother and father, parents
Various Sources Mat pitaEncyclopedia TopicParents, mother and father
Various Sources MataEncyclopedia TopicIntoxicated
Various Sources MataEncyclopedia TopicMother
Various Sources MATANounMère. MATA KOUNTA*
Heritage Dictionary of Ismailism, entry #683general Mata BhavaniEncyclopedia TopicName of a goddess, name of a devi
Various Sources MATA SALAMATEncyclopedia TopicThe word mata salamat means mother of peace. This is a unique title awarded only to three mothers of different Imams during last thirteen hundred years, such as Sarcar Bibi Marium Khatoon, Lady Aly Shah and Umm Habibeh.
In 1157/1744, a daughter Bibi Marium Khatoon, was born at his uncle's home, known as Bibi Sarcar Mata Salamat, with whom the marriage of Imam Khalilullah Ali was solemnized in 1218/1803 at Mahallat, and she gave birth of Imam Hasan Ali Shah. In 1245/1829, Imam Hasan Ali Shah awarded her the title of Mata Salamat and sent her in India when she was about 85 years old with Mirza Abul Kassim to remove the internal disputes of the community. She went to live at Kera, Kutchh in 1246/1830, where she expired at the age of 88 years in 1248/1832. She had been interred in Najaf, but her memorial still exists in Kera. On December 2, 1903, Imam Sultan Muhammad Shah visited Kera and told to the local Ismailis to perpetuate the memory of the place where she laid her feet and breathed her last.
Shamsul Mulk, the daughter of Mirza Ali Muhammad Nizam ad-Dawla, the grandson of Muhammad Hussain Khan Ispahani, the Prime Minister of Shah Fateh Ali Qajar (d. 1250/1834) of Iran; was born in Ispahan. Imam Aga Ali Shah married to Shamsul Mulk in 1283/1867, who became known as Lady Aly Shah in British India. Soon after the death of Pir Shihabuddin Shah in 1884, Imam Aga Ali Shah conferred upon her the title of Mata Salamat in Bombay. She expired on February 5, 1938 at the age of 90 years and was buried at Najaf next to the tomb of her husband
Mlle Blanche Yvette Labrousse, the fourth wife of Imam Sultan Muhammad Shah was born on February 15, 1906 in Sete, near Marseilles. She married to Imam Sultan Muhammad Shah at the age of 39 years on October 9, 1944 in Switzerland. In 1946, Imam awarded her the title of Mata Salamat during the Diamond Jubilee in Dar-es-Salam, and also named her Umm Habibeh in 1954 and repeated the title of Mata Salamat. She expired on July 1, 2000 at Le Cannet, south of France at the age of 95 years.
In her interview in Hello on February 24, 1996, the editor writes, "In 1954, the Aga Khan awarded his wife a rare honour accorded only three times in 13 centuries, the title of Mata Salamat of the Ismaili community."
Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral MATA SALAMATNameTitle give by Imam Sultan Mohammed Shah to Begum* Om Habibah. Her residence was in Cannes and Aswan. [Gallery]
Nom donné par l'Imam Sultan Moh'd Shah à sa Bégum*. aussi appelée Omé Habibah. Résidence à Cannes et Aswan. [Gallerie]
Heritage Dictionary of ismailism, entry #369general MATA SALAMAT UMM HABIBEHEncyclopedia TopicMlle Blanche Yvette Labrousse, the widow of Imam Sultan Muhammad Shah was born on February 15, 1906 in Sete, near Marseilles. Her parent moved to Cannes when she was a baby. Her father was a tram-conductor. She always remembered her parent for the moral code instilled in her. She was granted the title of Miss Lyon and became Miss France in 1930 in a nation-wide beauty contest, and in the same year she went to Rio de Janiero to represent her country at an international event. She married to Imam Sultan Muhammad Shah at the age of 39 years on October 9, 1944 in Switzerland. She had converted to Islam before marriage.
The people called her Yvonne Aga Khan or Yak, but she added i in yak (Yaki) to make its sound better, and thus the Imam built a villa of 21-rooms for her in Cannes, called Yakimour. In 1946, Imam awarded her the title of Mata Salamat during the Diamond Jubilee in Dar-es-Salam, and also named her Umm Habibeh in 1954 and repeated the title of Mata Salamat. In the same year, she performed hajj in the company of the then Governor General of Pakistan. She was very supportive of her husband in his work during their thirteen years together. She took a particular interest in issues affecting women's welfare. She also developed an active interest in painting and sculpture. She was attracted by classical music, opera and ballet. Following her husband's death on July 11, 1957, she moved between Geneva, Aswan, Paris and Le Cannet. In Le Cannet she was held in particular esteem and was known for her generosity towards the elderly, through the establishment of a retirement home. In 1999, the Mayor of Le Cannet Rocheville unveiled a bronze statue in her honour in the Jardin des Oliviers. She worked over the years through her own Egyptian Om Habibeh Foundation to help alleviate poverty and improve living conditions in Aswan, through contributions to healthcare, education facilities and income generation programmes.
Since 1957, she had maintained continuing and close contact with the Ismaili community around the world. She participated in many official visits by the Present Imam to Asia and Africa, including those in 1982 marking the 25th Anniversary of the accession to the Imamate. She was present at the historic charter ceremony of the Aga Khan University in Karachi, as well as the inauguration by Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher of the Ismaili Centre in South Kensington, London in 1984. Over the years, she also participated in events associated with the Aga Khan Award for Architecture. She continued to be an honoured guest at family functions including the marriage of the Present Imam in France in May, 1998.
She had no children, was survived by her step-son, Prince Sadruddin. She is also survived by three steps grand-children, the Present Imam, Prince Amyn Muhammad and their half-sister Princes Yasmin. Before her death, she arranged for Yakimour to be retained for use by the Imam's family. She also planned that a large part of her estate be donated to two foundations closely associated with the family: The Aga Khan Foundation, Geneva, established by the Imam in 1967, and the Bellerive Foundation in Geneva, established by Prince Sadruddin in 1977.
She have had an operation in September, 1992 at the age of 86 years, and lost sight in one eye. She was in the constant company of her assistants, Janine, and Shamsy.
Mata Salamat, Umm Habibeh expired on July 1, 2000 at Le Cannet, south of France at the age of 95 years. In a solemn ceremony on Tuesday, 4th July, 2000, she was laid to rest in the same sandstone mausoleum high atop a dune overlooking the Nile in Aswan. The bier was carried on a ceremonial boat along the Nile to Noor El Salaam. Escorted by a flotilla of small craft, black mourning pennants fluttering at their masts, the boat detoured to float past a marquee prepared by the Governorate of Aswan to enable citizens to pay their last respects. Governor Kamal Ahmed Amer of Aswan represented the Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak; civic leaders represented the people of Aswan; and their Mayor, Mme. Michele Tabarot, represented the citizens of Le Cannet. Borne on the shoulders of the Present Imam, Prince Sadruddin, Prince Amyn Muhammad, LIF members and villa staff, the bier made a solemn ascent under a blazing sun to the continuing refrain of the Shahada, led by Shaikh Syed Ahmed Ibrahim who has, for 37 years, recited daily from the Koran at the mausoleum in accordance with Mata Salamat's wishes.
In December, 2003, the Imam announced a grant of US$ 320,000 for medical equipment by the Om Habibeh Foundation, as part of a series of new development initiatives to benefit the people of Aswan. These included a plan for a social development training center and programs in nursing education, pre-school education and in strengthening of civil society organizations. The new initiatives in Aswan will complement an extensive social and urban development program underway on the edge of the historic of Cairo. Governor Hassanin expressed sincere gratitude on behalf of the people of Aswan and pledged to the government's full support and cooperation to the new initiatives, which he said, both responded to immediate and long term needs, and reinforced the warm and close historic links that bound the Imam, his family, and his community to Aswan and to Egypt.
Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral MATA SALAMAT, 44è PIRNameM. 1248AH.After the death ofPir Mirza Mohammed Baqir*, Imam Aga Hassanali nominated his mother. He sent her to India in 1829, She was the first Pir in India after the death of Pir Tajdin in 1471
M. 1248AH. Après la mort de Pir Mirza Moh'd Baqir*, Imam Aga Hassanali nomma sa mère. Envoyée en Inde en 1829. 1er Pir en Inde après la mort de Pir Tajdin 1471.
Heritage Dictionary of ismailism, entry #371general MatanEncyclopedia TopicUpon, from the top, from above
Various Sources MatanEncyclopedia TopicDo not
Various Sources MateEncyclopedia TopicFor the sake of
Various Sources Math mathoEncyclopedia TopicSearch, struggle
Various Sources MathaEncyclopedia TopicOn
Various Sources MathaEncyclopedia TopicHead
Various Sources MatheEncyclopedia TopicOn the head, on, upon
Various Sources MatheEncyclopedia TopicAbove, on, on the head
Various Sources MatheEncyclopedia TopicOn the head
Various Sources
