Ismaili Dictionary & Encyclopedia

MushahedoEncyclopedia Topic

The sight of Allah's Nur (light)

Various Sources MUSHRIKEncyclopedia Topic

The term mushrik is derived from shirk, i.e., associating in the sense of ascribing partners to God, which is described in the Koran as the only sin for which no forgiveness is possible (4:48). Another common Koranic expression for this is "those who associate" (alladhina ashraku). At first, the Prophet's preaching was addressed almost entirely to the pagan Arabs whose attitude may be described as follows: Not believing in the existence of an afterlife, they are excessively attached to worldly goods and take great pride in their material possessions and in their sons (19:77-80). But their enjoyment of this world will be brief (2:126, 3:196-7, 31:24, 77:46) and their possessions and children will not avail them (3:10, 116; 9:85, 34:35-7, 58:17, 60:3). Although they ascribe daughters to God (16:57, 53:19-23), they themselves are aggrieved when female children are born to them (16:58-9). God shows them His signs, the wonders of nature, that they may believe and gives them of His bounties, that they may be grateful but they fail to acknowledge that the source of these favours is the One God, Who will resurrect and judge them on the last day. In their unbelief they follow the ways of their ancestors (2:170, 37:69-70, 53:23) and are loath to give up their traditional beliefs and rites, which are connected with idols that will be of no help to them when the final hour comes. They ignore the warnings communicated to them by the Prophet, just as earliest nations had rejected the call of the messengers that God had sent, messengers such as Hud, Saleh, Noah, Abraham, Lot, Moses and Jesus (6:34, 26:105, 123, 139, 141; 43:7). They mock the believers (83:29-32) and are not impressed by a message coming from someone who is a mere mortal like themselves, someone who fails to produce the miracles that they demand as proof (17:90-3). They turned away when they were admonished (21:2, 26:5, 74:49) or put their fingers in their ears (71:7). Theirs will be painful doom in hell (2:24, 4:56, 7:50, 8:50, 9:35, 21:39, 22:19, 23:104, 40:49, 72, 37:62-8, 44:43-8, 56:52-6)

Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral MUSICEncyclopedia Topic

One of the most perplexing points in Islam is its attitude towards music, and for centuries the legists have argued the question whether listening to music (al-sama) is lawful or not. It is not easy to comprehend how the question arose, seeing that there is not a word of direct censure against music in the Koran, and above all, in face of the fact that music was almost an indispensable article in the social life of the Arabs. According to A History of Arabian Music (London, 1929, p. 22), "Orientalists are divided on the question of the origin of the Islamic censure of listening to music. One group attributes it directly to the Prophet Muhammad himself, whilst the other holds that it was manufactured by the theologians of the Abbasid era, who were jealous of the inordinate attention paid to music and musicians." Baidawi (2:209) writes that the Koranic verse "He increases in His creatures that which He wills" (35:1), refers to the "beautiful voice." Besides, "Verily, the most hateful of voices is braying of the ass" (31:18), where we have a negative praise of the beautiful voice, and then it is argued that singing is allowable since it is laid down: "Say, who has forbidden the adornment of God, which He has provided for His creatures" (7:30), vide Ihya Ulum (p. 214).

In Arabia, the Bedouin soul was essentially music loving. Its aspirations, its movements, and its impulses were all reflected in the rhythmic expression of Arabic verse, whose meter could be as short or long as the step of a camel. Under the rule of the Qoraish at Mecca, the poets and minstrels from all parts of the peninsula vied with each other for supremacy in their art during the fair of Ukaz. It was here that the singing girls (qainat or qiyan) sang the famous mu'allaqat. The Arabic music of pre-Islamic era is predominantly secular, and the musicians retained their pagan character. During the pilgrimage, the pilgrims appear to have indulged in those primitive musical chanting, which still exist in the tahlil and talbiyya. One fragment of the ritual performed during the hajj has been preserved in the words ashriq thabir kaima nughir, is said to have been sung during the ifada to Mina. St. Nilus tells us of the Arabs of the north, who chanted a hymn while encircling the sacrificial stone. Noeldeke likens it to the tahlil. Both Imru'u l'Qais and Labid, the pre-Islamic poets, speak of "maidens circling a pillar," which would most likely be performed in a dance, accompanied by music or song. Islam adopted the performance of hajj in a refined form, not along with song and music attached in the ritual. Islam never really eradicated the pagan ideals of the Arab so far as music is concerned, but the charge that the opposition to listening was fabricated by the Abbasid jurists. The old pagan chanting of the pilgrimage, the tahlil and talbiyya, which were turned favourably to the account of Islam and became lawful, even to the allowability of the tabl (drum) and shahin (fife) as an accompaniment (Ihya Ulum, p. 220).

Anas bin Malik related that the Prophet used to make him sing the huda (caravan song) when traveling, and that Anjusha used to sing it for the women and al-Bara bin Malik for the men (Ibid. p. 217). Ghazali testifies that the huda did not cease to be one of the customs of the Arabs in the time of the Prophet, and in the time of the Companions, and that it is nothing but poems equipped with agreeable sounds (salawat tayyiba) and measured melodies (alhan mauzuna) (Ibid). The singing (ghina) was based on a simple type of song, also called nasb, which was but an improved form of camel-driver's chant (huda). They accompanied themselves on an instrument of strings (muwattar), more generally it was a harp-like instrument (mi'zafa), a percussion wand (qadib) or a tambourine (mizmar). Ibn Athir writes that once the Prophet heard the voice of the singing-girl when passing the abode of Hassan bin Thabit, who asked if it were sinful to sing. The Prophet said, "Certainly not!" (Usd al-Ghaba, 5:496).

We also read that the girls greeted the Prophet in jubilant in Medina from the housetops with recitation (inshad) set to melody (lahn), and accompanied by the beating of tambourines (dufuf) (Ihya Ulum, p. 224). Syed Waheeduddin writes in The Benefactor (Lahore, 1964, p. 33) that, "The Banu Najjar led the welcoming crowds in full armour, their weapons glistening in the sun. The whole of Yathirab lined the road in orderly rows. Young girls played on their tambourines and sang song of welcome. There was an unprecedented marry-making, and when Muhammad came to the group of Umar bin Awf Najjari, the well-dressed girls came out of seclusion, danced and sang to the tune of music the following ballad: "We belong to the clan of Najjar, (we are) Muhammad's soldiers from the Jari." Ibn Khaldun (d. 808/1406) writes in Muqaddimah (2:404) that, "In Medina, Nashit al-Farisi, Tuways and Sa'ib Khathir, a client of Abdullah bin Jafar (bin Abu Talib), made their appearance. They heard the poems of the Arabs and set them to music. They did it well, and they became famous. Ma'bad and his class of singers, as well as Ibn Surayj and his ilk, learned from them."

There is a story of A'isha who took to one of the Ansar his bride. When she returned, the Prophet said to her, "Did you lead the girl to her husband?" She said, "Yes." He then said, "And did you not send someone who could sing?" She said, "No." The Prophet then said, "Surely you knew that the Ansar are people who delight in the ghazal." Bilal was the son of an Abyssinian slave-girl. To him the Prophet is claimed to have once said, "O'Bilal, sing us a ghazal" (Ibn Hisham, p. 205). Once the Prophet was riding with some Companions when he asked one of them to recite the poetry of Umayya. A hundred lines were recited for him, and the Prophet said at the finish, "Well done!" "And when the satire in the poetry and the talking about it wearied them," says the tradition, "it was said,

Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral MUSLIM B. AKILName

(7th Century) Imam Al-Hussein's cousin, was sent to Kufa as scout before the battle of Kerbala.(680) He was assassinated by the orders from the Ommyad, Yazid.

(7e S.) Cousin de l'Imam al-Husseyn, fut envoyé en éclaireur à Kufa avant la bataille de Kerbala (680). Assassiné sous les ordre de l'Ommeyade Yazid.

Heritage Dictionary of ismailism, entry #324general Muslim Historiography Encyclopedia Topic

The term historiography means writing of history or written history. J. Sanford firstly coined this term in 1597, resembling the Arabic word ilm al-tarikh. The Koranic phrases asatir al-awwalin (writing of the ancient) also gives notion of historiography, vide 6:25, 8:31, 16:24-26, 23:83-85, 25:5-6, 27:68-70, 46:17, 68:15, 83:13, etc.

The Muslims knew no importance of history at early stage, and could not differentiate the tales, miracles, biography and history with one another. They made their acquaintance with the systematic classification of the branches of science being inspired mostly from Rasail Ikhwan as-Safa. Yet the Arabs did not assign a special place to history.

Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral Muslim Historiography between 9th and 15th centuryEncyclopedia Topic

Bernard Lewis writes in Historians of the Middle East (London, 1963, p. 3) that, "The first lesson of history

Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral MUSTA'ALINSEncyclopedia Topic

"Badr al-Jamali, the Fatimid vizir expected the succession of Musta'li but he died in 487/1095, a month before the death of Imam al-Mustansir. The Imam appointed Lawun Amin ad-Dawla as a new vizir, but after few days, al-Afdal, the son of Badr al-Jamali managed to obtain office of vizirate when the Imam was on death-bed. After the death of Imam al-Mustansir, the year 487/1095 marks the triumph of vizirial prerogative over caliphal authority in the structure of the Fatimid empire. Al-Afdal however, was fearing of being deposed by Imam al-Nizar, so he conspired to remove him.

Aiming to retain the power of the state in his own hands, al-Afdal favoured the candidacy of al-Mustansir's youngest son, Abul Kassim Ahmad, surnamed Musta'li, who would entirely depend upon him. Al-Musta'li was about 20 years old, and already married to al-Afdal's daughter. Al-Afdal moved swiftly, and on the day following Imam al-Mustansir's death, he placed the young prince on the throne with the title of al-Musta'li-billah. He quickly obtained for al-Musta'li the allegiance of the notables of the court. He also took favour of Imam al-Mustansir's sister, who was prepared to declare a fabricated story that Imam al-Mustansir had changed the nass in favour of Musta'li at very last hour in presence of the qadi of Egypt, but the cause of change of nass was not given at all.

Al-Afdal feared the growing power of Imam al-Nizar in Alexandria, where he spurred his horses in 488/1095, but suffered a sharp repulse in the first engagement, and retreated to Cairo. Al-Afdal once again took field with huge army and besieged Alexandria. He tempted the companions of Imam al-Nizar, and fetched them to his side. Ibn Massal was the first to have deserted the field from the thick of fight, and fled with his materials by sea towards Maghrib.

Ibn Massal collected his wealth and fled to Lokk, a village near Barqa in Maghrib. This defection marked the turning point of Imam al-Nizar's power. In addition, the long siege resulted great fortune to al-Afdal, wherein many skirmishes took place. Imam al-Nizar and his faithful fought valiantly, but due to the treachery of his men, he was arrested and taken prisoner with Abdullah and Iftagin to Cairo. According to Ibn Khallikan, Imam al-Nizar was immured by his brother al-Musta'li's orders and al-Afdal had him shut up between two walls till he died in 490/1097.

Al-Musta'li remained a puppet in the hands of al-Afdal throughout his short reign (1094-1101), during which the Crusaders first appeared in 490/1097 in the Levant to liberate the holy land of Christendom. The Crusaders easily defeated the local Fatimid garrison, and occupied Jerusalem in 492/1099. By 493/1100, the Crusaders had gained their footholds in Palestine, and founded several principalities based on Jerusalem and other localities in Palestine and Syria. In the midst of the Fatimids' continued attempts to repel the Crusaders, al-Musta'li died in 495/1102, who made no personal contribution to the Fatimid rule. He was virtually without authority in the state, and came out only as required by al-Afdal at the public functions.

Ibn Khallikan (1:613-4) writes that, "It was al-Afdal who, on the death of al-Musta'li, placed al-Amir, that sovereign's son on the throne: he then took the direction of public affairs into his own hands, and having confined the prince in his palace, he prevented him from indulging his passion for pleasure and amusements. This treatment induced al-Amir to plot against his vizir's life, and on the evening of Sunday, the 30th Ramzan, 515, as al-Afdal rode forth from his habitation in the imperial palace, he was attacked by the conspirators and slain while proceeding towards the river."

The next two puppet rulers, Musta'li and Amir, had some claims to the title of the Imam. But when al-Amir was assassinated in 524/1130, leaving no male issue, al-Hafiz ascended the throne with the title of the mustawda Imam, i.e., acting as a regent on behalf of the supposed infant heir. A story was put into circulation that the baby was sent to Yamen. The faithful Musta'lians take this legend quite seriously. De Lacy O'Leary on the other hand writes in A Short History of the Fatimid Khalifate London, 1923, p. 222) that, "The Khalif al-Amir left no son, but at the time of his death, one of his wives was pregnant, and it was possible that she might give birth to an heir." Makrizi writes in Itti'az (3:137) that, "It was stated that Hafiz was acting as guardian for al-Amir's son to be born by one of al-Amir's pregnant women." Thus, Hafiz, the uncle of al-Amir took the power as a ruler.

Henceforward, the Fatimid rule embarked on its rapid decline. The supposed infant son of al-Amir is named, Tayyib, about two and half years old, but De Lacy O'Leary holds however that when al-Amir's wife was delivered, her child was a daughter (op. cit., p. 223). Anyhow, the chief guardian of Tayyib was Ibn Madyan, who is said to have hidden the minor Tayyib in a mosque called Masjid ar-Rahma. Makrizi tells that the infant son of al-Amir was carried in a basket after wrapping it up and covering it over with vegetables. Here in the mosque, a wet nurse cared for him. And all of this was done without Hafiz knowing anything about it. Makrizi also writes that Tayyib was arrested and killed. The followers of Tayyib in Yamen however believed that he was hidden in 524/1130 and his line exists even today in concealment.

At the time of al-Amir's assassination in 524/1130, Hurra Malika, a pious and capable lady held the office of hujjat in Yamen, the last survival citadel of the Fatimids. She was assisted by al-Khattab bin Hasan al-Hamdani, Lamak bin Malik and Yahya bin Malik. After the hiding of Tayyib, she worked for six years with an expectation that the hidden Tayyib would arrive in Yamen. She died in 532/1133 at the age of 92 years. She had appointed Zueb bin Musa as the first da'i al-mutlaq before her death to supervise the mission. Thus, Zueb became the final authority in all religious matters. Thus, the following earliest da'i al-mutalq of the Mustalian sect followed:-

1. Zueb bin Musa (d. 546/1151)

2. Ibrahim bin Hussain al-Hamidi (d. 557/1162)

3. Hatim bin Ibrahim al-Hamidi (d. 596/1199)

4. Ali bin Hatim (d. 605/1209).

Ibrahim bin al-Hamidi was the founder of the Tayyibi doctrine. While their communities soon disappeared in Egypt and Syria, they have survived upto the present day in Yamen and Indo-Pakistan. In Yamen the office of da'il al-mutalq was kept in the Hamidi family until 605/1209, and was then transferred to a tribe of Umayyad descent, the Banu Walid al-Anf al-Qurashi, who held it until 946/1539. The next da'il al-mutalq from among this clan were as under:-

5. Ali bin Muhammad b. al-Walid (d. 612/1215)

6. Ali bin Hanzala al-Wadi (d. 626/1229)

7. Ahmad bin al-Mubarak (d. 627/1230)

8. Hussain bin Ali (d. 667/1268)

9. Ali bin Hussain bin Ali b. Muhammad (d. 682/1284)

10. Ali bin Hussain b. Ali b. Hanzala (d. 686/1287)

11. Ibrahim bin Hussain (d. 728/1328)

12. Mohammad bin Hatim (d. 729/1329)

13. Ali bin Ibrahim (d. 746/1345)

14. Abdul Mutalib bin Mohammad (d. 755/1354)

15. Abbas bin Mohammad (d. 779/1378)

16. Abdullah bin Ali (d. 809/1407)

17. Hasan bin Abdullah (d. 821/1418)

18. Ali bin Abdullah (d. 821/1428)

19. Idris Imad ad-Din bin Hasan (d. 872/1468)

The succession to the head priests position was not free from internal intrigues and conspiracies and there arose several schisms among them, even in India in the time of 18th, 26th, 28th, 40th and 49th da'il al-mutlaq. In the period of Ali bin Abdullah, the 18th da'i, Jafar had gone to Yamen to study for priesthood. On his return he without obtaining permission from the local priest of Ahmedabad, began to lead prayers as a priest. He was reprimanded and asked to apologize. This he refused and in revenge he became a Sunni, and went to Patan and preached Sunnism under the patronage of the local Sunni rulers and converted a large number of the Mustalians. His followers became known as the Jafarias.

When the Zaidi rulers extended their power southward at Yamen in 15th century from Sa'da and San'a, the Tayyibid communities were severely persecuted in 829/1426. It forced the 18th da'il al-mutlaq, Ali bin Abdullah to leave Dhu Marmar castle and seek refuge in the mountains. His nephew and successor Idris Imad ad-Din was the last significant head of the Yameni Tayyibids, a man who distinguished himself equally as a politician, warrior and writer. He successfully defended the Haraz against the Zaidis, but at the same time he prepared to transfer the office of da'i al-mutlaq to India. He was followed by the following da'is:-

20. Hasan bin Idris (d. 918/1512)

21. Hussain bin Idris (d. 933/1527)

22. Ali bin Hussain (d. 933/1527)

23. Muhammad bin Hasan (d. 946/1539)

24. Yusuf Najmuddin (d. 974/1567), the first Indian da'i, and thus the headquarters remained in India.

25. Jalal bin Hasan (d. 975/1567)

26. Daud bin Ajab Shah (d. 997/1589)

27. Daud bin Qutub Shah (d. 1021/1612)

After the death of Daud bin Ajab Shah in Ahmadabad, Daud bin Qutub Shah became his successor, and his nephew Suleman bin Hasan was made his deputy in Yamen. Shaikh Suleman continued to acknowledge Daud bin Qutub Shah as the legitimate da'i and it was only after four years that he claimed the office of da'i al-mutlaq for himself. It is said that a scribe of Daud bin Ajab Shah, his two slave-girls and their sons committed theft from the treasury of the mission and took away also the seal of the mission. It is further related that Daud bin Qutub Shah reprimanded the culprits. The culprits being supported by Khanji bin Amin Shah, the son-in-law of Daud bin Qutub Shah, decided to hatch a conspiracy to install Shaikh Suleman as the legitimate successor of Daud bin Ajab Shah. They wrote letter to Shaikh Suleman in Yamen and induced him to accept the offer. Shaikh Suleman is said to have claimed the authority of Daud bin Qutub Shah for four years, and finally claimed the office for himself. It is said that he sent Jabir bin Hadi to India alongwith a letter purported to have been written by Daud bin Ajab Shah, declaring Shaikh Suleman as his successor. The stolen seal was affixed on the letter and was made public thereby, winning many adherents in favour of Shaikh Suleman in India.

However, the version of the opposite group is quite different. In this sectarian dispute, it is very difficult to ascertain the truth. Thus the split became inevitable and the Shi'ite Ismaili Mustalian was split in 1005/1597. The majority in India followed Daud bin Qutub Shah and were called the Daudi Bohras, whereas the followers of Shaikh Suleman (d. 1005/1599) remained in a small minority and were called the Sulemani Bohras. After the time of schism in 1005/1597, the vast majority of the Indian communities recognized the Indian Daud bin Qutub Shah as the 27th da'il al-mutlaq. He died in 1021/1612 at Ahmadabad.

The Indian Tayyibids henceforward became known as the Bohras. It is suggested that the word Bohra is derived from the Persian bahrah, meaning true path. Some also suggest its derivation from the Persian bahir, meaning a line of the camels or bahraj, meaning a talented merchant. According to one another view, it is the root word of bahra, meaning the people of ocean. It is related that the Bohras arrived in India by Arabian sea, resulting them to be known as Bahra, Bahora or Bohra. It must however be noted that the Mustalians earned the name, Bohra in India, not in Arab or Iran. The majority of the scholars consider that the word Bohra means the trader, which is derived from the Gujrati word, vohorva, meaning to trade.

In 1200/1785, Surat became the official residence of the da'i al-mutlaq, who now was addressed as Sayyidna or Mullaji Sahib.

28. Adam Saifuddin (d. 1030/1621)

29. Abdul Tayyib (d. 1041/1631)

30. Ali Shamsuddin bin Maulai Hasan (d. 1042/1632)

31. Kassim Zainuddin bin Pir Khan (d. 1054/1644)

32. Qutub Khan Qutubuddin bin Daud Burhanuddin (d. 1056/1646)

33. Pir Khan Shujauddin (d. 1065/1655)

34. Shaikh Ismail Badruddin bin Mulla Raj (d. 1085/1674)

35. Abdul Tayyib Zakiuddin (d. 1110/1699)

36. Musa Kalimuddin (d. 1122/1710)

37. Nur Muhammad Nuruddin (d. 1130/1718)

38. Ismail Badruddin bin Shaikh Adam Saifuddin (d. 1150/1737)

39. Ibrahim Wajehuddin (d. 1168/1754)

40. Hibtullah Muayid-fid-din (d. 1193/1779)

41. Abdul Tayyib Zakiuddin (d. 1200/1785)

42. Yusuf Najamuddin (d. 1213/1798)

43. Abd Ali Saifuddin (d. 1232/1817)

44. Muhammad Izzuddin (d. 1236/1821)

45. Tayyib Zainuddin (d. 1252/1837)

46. Muhammad Badruddin (d. 1256/1840)

47. Abdul Qadar Najmuddin (d. 1302/1885)

48. Abdul Hussain Husamuddin (d. 1308/1891)

49. Muhammad Burhanuddin (d. 1323/1906)

50. Abdullah Badruddin (d. 1333/1915)

51. Tahir Saifuddin (d. 1384/1965)

52. Muhammad Burhanuddin (since 1384 /1965)

Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral Mustak / MastakEncyclopedia Topic

Head

Various Sources MUSTAKALI, SEYYEDName

Son of Sayyed Didarali. d. around 1967 at the age of 98 years. Propogated Ismaili dawa in India.

Fils de Seyyed Didarali. M. vers 1967 à l'âge de 98 ans. Dawa en Inde.

Heritage Dictionary of ismailism, entry #199general MUSTAKARNoun

Permanent, opp. MUSTAWDA*.

Heritage Dictionary of Ismailism, entry #238general MUSTANSIR BILLAH I (427-487/1036-1095), 18TH IMAMEncyclopedia Topic

"He was born in Cairo on 16th Jamada II, 420/July 2, 1029, who eight months afterwards was declared to succeed his father. His name was Ma'd Abu Tamim, surnamed al-Mustansir billah (Imploring the help of God). He ascended on 15th Shaban, 427/June 13, 1036 at the age of 7 years. During the early years, the state affairs were administered by his mother. His period of Caliphate lasted for 60 years, the longest of all the caliphs, either in Egypt or elsewhere in Islamic states.

Ali bin Ahmad Jarjarai, an able vizir, whose period was one of the prosperity in Egypt, died in 436/1044. He was followed by Ibn al-Anbari and Abu Mansur Sadaqa, but none of them was competent. In 442/1050, there came forward a capable vizir Abu Muhammad Hasan bin Abdur Rehman Yazuri, who held the office for 8 years, and was an earnest reformer. He was followed by about 40 vizirs one after another during 15 years (450-466/1058-1073), but none equated him, because they squandered the royal treasury.

Between 457/1065 and 464/1072, the famine made the condition of Egypt from bad to worse. Meanwhile, in 454/1062 and again in 459/1067, the struggle between the Turkish and Sudanese soldiery deteriorated into open warfare, ending in a victory for the Turks and their Berber allies. The Berbers in lower Egypt deliberately aggravated the distress by ravaging the country, destroying the embankments and canals, and seeking every way to reduce the capital and the neighbouring districts by sheer starvation. Makrizi sees in this incident the beginning of the crisis in Egypt, which he refers by the appellations, disorder (fitna), civil war (al-shidda al-mashhura), corruption of state (fasad ad-dawla) and days of calamity and dearth (ayyam al-shidda wal ghala).

In Imam al-Mustansir's stable where there had been ten thousand animals there were now only three thin horses, and his escort once fainted from hunger as it accompanied him through the streets. As long as the calamity lasted, Imam al-Mustansir alone possessed a horse, and, when he rode out, the courtiers followed on foot, having no beast to carry them. The condition of the country deteriorated with the protracted famine that followed by plague, and the whole districts were absolutely denuded of population and house after house lay empty.

Meanwhile, the Turkish mercenaries had drained the treasury, the works of art and valuables of all sorts in the palace were sold to satisfy their demands; often they themselves were the purchasers at merely nominal prices and sold the articles again at a profit. Emeralds valued at 300,000 dinars were bought by one Turkish general for 500 dinars, and in one fortnight of the year 460/1068 articles to the value of 30,000,000 dinars were sold off to provide pay for the Turks. The precious library which had been rendered available to the public and was one of the objects for which many visited Cairo was scattered, the books were torn up, thrown away, or used to light fires. At length, the Turks began fighting amongst themselves. Nasir ad-Dawla, the Turkish general of the Fatimid army, had attacked the city which was defended by the rival faction of the Turkish guard and, after burning part of Fustat and defeating the defenders, he entered as conqueror. When he reached the palace, he found Imam al-Mustansir resided in rooms, which had been stripped bare, waited on by only three slaves, and subsisting on two loaves, which were sent him daily by the daughters of Ibn Babshand. The victorious Turks dominated Cairo, held the successive vizirs in subjection, treated Imam al-Mustansir with contempt, and used their power to deplete the treasury by enhancing their pay to nearly twenty times its former figure. After this victory over the unhappy city, Nasir ad-Dawla became so over-bearing and tyrannical in his conduct that he provoked even his own followers, and so at length he was assassinated in 466/1074. But this only left the city in a worse condition than ever, for it was now at the mercy of the various Turkish factions, which behaved no better than troops of brigands.

Mention should be made of the Byzantine emperor Constantine IX Monomachus (1042-1055), who had maintained a friendly relation with the Imam and had provided Egypt with wheat after the above mentioned famine.

At this desperate juncture when these troubles were brewing, Imam al-Mustansir was roused to action and sent a message to Badr al-Jamali, the then governor of Acre, inviting him to come to Egypt and take control. Badr al-Jamali responded swiftly. Originally an Armenian slave of the Syrian amir, Jamaluddin bin Ammar, he had a successful career as soldier and governor in Syria. His Armenian soldiers were loyal. Sailing from Acre in the mid-winter, he landed at Damietta and entered Cairo on 28th Jamada I, 466/January 29, 1074. Badr al-Jamali took the charge and dealt the state affairs efficiently. The swift and energetic actions of Badr al-Jamali brought peace and security to Egypt, and even measure of prosperity. The annual revenue was increased from about 2,000,000 to 3,00,000 dinars. It is true that his efforts were greatly assisted by the fact that the year 466/1074 saw an exceptionally good Nile, so that prosperity and abundance once more reigned through the land. Badr al-Jamali was invested the triple title, viz. Amir al-Juyush (commander of the army), Badi al-Duat (director of the missionaries) and the Vizir.

The foremost priority given by the Imam was to rebuild the library devastated by the Turks. De Lacy O'Leary writes in A Short History of the Fatimid Khalifate (London, 1923, p. 207) that, "It is interesting to note that the Khalif set himself to the formation of a new library at Cairo as one of his first tasks; it helps us to realize that the Shi'ites were then as always the friends of learning."

In 447/1055, the Turk, Tughril Beg was recognized in Baghdad as the sultan and lieutenant of the Abbasid caliph. He drove away the Iranian soldiers from Baghdad to Syria. They assembled round Abu Harith al-Basasari, who was propagating the Fatimid mission. Meanwhile, Ebrahim Niyal rebelled in Mosul against Tughril Beg, who himself set out to crush the revolt. The absence of Tughril Beg from Baghdad gave a chance to al-Basasari to capture Baghdad, which he did successfully in 450/1058 and recited the Fatimid khutba in the cathedral mosque of Baghdad. He also sent the royal throne, robes, pulpit and the staff to Imam al-Mustansir in Cairo. The expelled Abbasid caliph took refuge with an Arab amir for one year.

After subduing the rising of his brother, Tughril Beg turned back to Baghdad with a large army. When he reached near Baghdad, al-Basasari did not come into confrontation, and began to evacuate the city on other side with his close associates. Tughril Beg thus entered the city without any opposition and reinstated the Abbasid caliphate after a year on 6th Zilkada, 451, December 14, 1059. He sent a detachment to pursue al-Basasari, who was slain in the ensuing fighting.

Maghrib was the original base of the Fatimids, whose chief in the time of Imam al-Mustansir was al-Muizz bin Badis, the fourth Zirid ruler. He was a Malikite and persecuted the Shiites. It is also related that the relations between him and the Fatimid vizir were strained, whereupon in 436/1044, al-Muizz bin Badis proclaimed Malikism in Maghrib, and recited the Abbasid khutba from 440/1048, resulting the whole Maghrib gone away from the Fatimid occupation in 442/1050.

It is related that al-Muizz bin Badis returned briefly later on in 446/1055 to the allegiance of the Fatimids. In the meantime, the vizir Yazuri had convinced Imam al-Mustansir that he would punish the disloyal al-Muizz bin Badis. Thus, the vizir encouraged a number of Bedouin tribes to advance towards Maghrib. The Bedouins at the command of Banu Hilal and Banu Sulaym, took possession of Barqa and proceeded into the territories of the Maghrib. They inflicted defeat to the Zirids in 443/1052 and pillaged the towns and gained rich booty. These Bedouins, being reinforced by new arrivals, gradually penetrated Maghrib, whose operation is known as the Hilali Invasion. In 449/1057, al-Muizz bin Badis had to evacuate his capital, Kairwan and sought refuge in Mahdiya, then governed by his son, Tamim bin al-Muizz (454-501/1062-1108). In sum, the Zirids were divided into petty rules in Maghrib. The last Zirid ruler, al-Hasan bin Ali was driven out of Mahdiya in 543/1148 by Roger II, the Sicilian emperor.

The Karakhanid dynasty sprang from the ruling house of the Karluk Turks, originally belonged to the steppes of Central Asia, and whose founder was Satuk Bughra Khan. He embraced Islam and assumed the Islamic name Abdul Karim. He reigned from Kashghar and Talas over the western wing of his people. His grandson Hasan Bughra Khan occupied for a while the Samanid capital of Bukhara, which was taken over by Ilig Nasr of Ozkend in 389/999. The Fatimid da'is had continued their mission in Bukhara, Samarkand and western Farghana. In 436/1045, a bulk of the converted Ismailis, who recognized the Imamate of Imam al-Mustansir, had been killed in the territories of the Karkhanid rule, impelling the da'is to adopt strict taqiya.

Hasan bin Sabbah was also a renowned Ismaili da'i. He came in Egypt in 471/1078 and had his audience with Imam al-Mustansir. He stayed 18 months in Cairo, and being ascertained the name of Imam al-Nizar as the successor personally from Imam al-Mustansir, he quitted Cairo and reached Ispahan in 473/1081 and thence proceeded to Qazwin, and took possession of the fort of Alamut in 483/1090 and founded Nizari Ismaili state.

In Yamen, Ali bin Muhammad al-Sulayhi had established the Sulayhid rule and introduced the Fatimid khutba. In 450/1058, he succeeded to expel the Zaidis from San'a, and made it his capital. In 452/1060, he captured Zabid after killing Sa'd bin Najah, the founder of the Najahid dynasty and appointed his brother-in-law, Asad bin Shihab as the governor of Zabid. In 454/1062, he conquered Adan, where he allowed Banu Ma'n to rule for sometime as tributaries of the Sulayhids. Later, in 476/1083, the Sulayhids granted the governorship of Adan to two Hamdani brothers, Abbas and Masud bin Karam, who founded the Ismaili dynasty of the Zurayids in Adnan from 476/1083 to 569/1173. Ali bin Muhammad subjugated all of Yamen in 455/1063 and also extended his influence from Mecca to Hazarmaut. Umara bin Ali al-Hakami (d. 569/1174) writes in Tarikh-i Yamen (tr. Henry C. Kay, London, 1892, pp. 24-5) that, "None of its plains or its hills, of its lands or of its waters remained unsubdued. No parallel case can be found of so rapid a conquest, either in the days of ignorance or in the days of Islam." One of the greatest achievements of Ali bin Muhammad al-Sulayhi was his success in establishing peace in Mecca on behalf of Imam al-Mustansir.

In 454/1062, Ali bin Muhammad al-Sulayhi desired to meet Imam al-Mustansir, therefore, he sent Lamak bin Malik al-Hammadi, the chief qadi of Yamen to Cairo to discuss his prospective visit. In 454/1062, Nasir ad-Dawla had begun to ravage Egypt, therefore, qadi Lamak had to stay with al-Muayyad at the Dar al-Hikmah. Lamak remained in Cairo for five years and at length he had an audience with the Imam. On the other hand, Ali bin Muhammad set out on a pilgrimage to Mecca in 459/1067 at the head of 2000 horsemen of whom 160 were the members of his household. Unfortunately, he was killed with a number of his relatives in a surprise attack by the sons of Sa'd bin Najah in reprisal of his father's death. His son Ahmad al-Mukarram was declared the head of Yamen by Imam al-Mustansir. The rule which Ali bin Muhammad al-Sulayhi founded would have fallen to the ground if his son Ahmad al-Mukarram had not come to its rescue and restored it.

In one of the rare extant letters from Yamen to Imam al-Mustansir, Ahmad al-Mukarram, after giving an account of the death of his father and the following events, reports that the envoys of the da'i of India have brought him a letter, asking that permission be granted to them to pass from verbal propaganda to the use of force. It shows that there were preparations for a rising on the western coast of India, presumably in Gujrat, ruled by the then Hindu Chaulukya dynasty and establish there a Fatimid enclave. In his letter dated 461/1068, the Imam replied to the question of the da'i Yousuf bin Hussain and left it to him to judge whether the plan was feasible. Nothing seems to have come of it. In 468/1075, Yousuf bin Hussain died in India, therefore, Ahmad al- Mukarram was commissioned to choose his successor. Yousuf's son Ahmad was proposed by him, which the Imam agreed and sent the appointment letter, adding that the country in question, i.e., the administration of its mission, was in the charge of the Sulayhid, who was also ordered to make some arrangements for Oman, which had at that time no mission. In 469/1076, the Sulayhid is charged with the government of the city of Oman. In 476/1083, the Sulayhid suggested appointment of Marzuban bin Ishaq in India and Ibrahim bin Ismail in Oman, which Imam al-Mustansir billah agreed. In 481/1088, Marzuban died and his son Ahmad was recommended. In Oman, Ibrahim turned to commerce and neglected the mission, thus Hamza was recommended to succeed him. Ahmad al-Mukarram died in 484/1091 and his wife Sayyida Hurrat al-Malika Arwa (477-532/1084-1138) then began to govern on behalf of Mukarram's minor son, Ali Abd al-Mustansir. When he too died, Sayyida Arwa took up the reins of administration of the state and mission, and remained loyal to Imam al-Mustansir. She however supported the Mustalian line after the death of Imam al-Mustansir.

The Fatimid vizir Badr al-Jamali died in 487/1095, and was succeeded by his son, al-Afdal as vizir. The administration of Badr al-Jamali was especially associated with a great development of building and with the construction of new walls and gates round Cairo.

The longest Caliphate of Muslim history for 60 years and 4 months closed with the death of Imam al-Mustansir on the 18th Zilhaja, 487/January 6, 1095 at the age of 67 years and 5 months.

Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral MUSTANSIR BILLAH II (868-880/1463-1475), 32ND IMAMEncyclopedia Topic

"Ali Shah, surnamed Mustansir billah, also known as Jalaluddin was born in Kahek. He seems to have known as Shah Qalandar among the Iranian mystics. He too resided in Kahek and sometimes in Shahr-i Babak. In Pandiyat-i Jawanmardi, we also find different terms for the Imam that became vogue among his followers, such as Imam-i Zaman (Imam of the time), Imam-i Hazar (the apparent Imam), Sahibu'z Zaman (the master of the world), Ali Zaman (the Ali of the time), Sahibu'l Amr (the master of authority), Hazar Jama (the present bearer of light), and simply Hazrat-i Mawlana Mustansir billah.

The Syeds in the line of Syed Imam Shah (1430-1520) were known as Pirana Syeds and the Syeds of the mainstream of the community in the descent of Syed Rehmatullah Shah were called Kadiwal Syeds. There are different versions for the appellation of the word Kadiwal. It is related that Syed Rehmatullah Shah, the son of Pir Hasan Kabir and his family members shortly lived in the village, named Kadhi, between Uchh and Multan, and then he had gone to live in a village, Kadi in the northern Gujrat on the route to Junagadh. Thus, his descendants became known as Kadhiwala, or Kadiwala.

The Kadiwal Syeds operated the mission in India for about 250 years. Some of them had retained their contact with the Imams in Iran, but some discontinued, and conducted the mission independently. Syed Rehmatullah Shah mostly preached in Gujrat and Kutchh. Syed Nurbaksh (1446-1504), the grandson of Pir Hasan Kabiruddin, also known as Syed Mitha Shah in Punjab, is said to have preached in Jammu and Kashmir. He was assisted by his son Mir Shamsuddin II. Syed Nurbaksh also visited Badakhshan, Kohistan, Tibet, Gilgit, Yarkand and Iskardu. His son was also active in Kashmir, and his followers became known as Shamsi, who migrated towards Punjab during 14th century. They preached Ismailism in the Sufic mantle and their Sufic tariqah became known as Nurbakhshia, also existed in Kohistan.

It appears fragmentarily that Imam Mustansir billah had taken serious notice of the impairing economy of the Ismailis of Iran, Syria, India, Badakhshan and other parts of Central Asia. He emphasized his followers to assist one another, and thus he said: "The real believer is one who assists and helps his brother in religion, who shares with him his food, his sorrow and joy, never admitting into his heart any malice or enmity, being one with him in word and deed. If one satisfies his hunger, the other's hunger must also be satisfied. If one remains hungry, the other should remain hungry too. If one eats something, the other should also partake of everything that his friend has eaten." (Pandiyat-i Jawanmardi, p. 56)

Badiuddin Khwaja Kassim was an eminent hujjat in Anjudan, who served as the chief of the Ismaili mission between the period of Imam Mustansir billah and Imam Gharib Mirza.

Syed Hashim launched his mission in Multan, India in the period of Imam Islam Shah and Imam Muhammad bin Islam Shah. His son Bawa Gul Muhammad, known as Bawa Gulgul was a trader and had extended his mercantile activities in Iran. He visited Shahr-i Babak to see Imam Mustansir billah. The Imam appointed him his vakil for Punjab. His son Mahr al-Din, known as Bawa Mohyi continued the mission in Punjab, then in Sind where he lived mostly in the village of Phul'nai.

Imam Mustansir billah was a good horseman and hunter and stayed in Anjudan as his summer villa, where a small number of his followers inhabited. He died in Kahek in 880/1475, but was buried in Anjudan, most probably in pursuant of his will. Later on, a mausoleum was erected in Anjudan. The mausoleum of Imam Mustansir billah II is the oldest surviving Nizari Ismaili monument in Anjudan; which is an imposing octagonal building with a dome, appearing conical from outside. In the middle of the chamber, there is a wooden-coffer, exquisitely carved. On its top is written:- "The pure, sacred and luminous grave of Shah Mustansir billah. By the order and care of Abdus Salam." A broad panel at the top edge on all sides is beautifully carved with the text of Sura Yasin of the Koran. At the bottom, there is written:- "Wrote this the humble slave Abdul Jalil in 885/1480". This tends to the conclusion that the wooden box was erected by the order of Imam Abdus Salam, the son and successor of Imam Mustansir billah, most probably five years after latter's death.

Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral MUSTAWDANoun

Temporaire, fiduciaire. Imam Mustawda = Pir* et Hujjat*. (ex. Imam Hassan = Imam Mustawda). Opp. Mustakar = Permanent.

Heritage Dictionary of Ismailism, entry #237general MUTAEncyclopedia Topic

"The word muta is derived from mata, meaning merchandise or goods. In case of a marriage it means "that which gives benefits, but for a short while" or enjoyment or pleasure. In Iran, this practice is called sigha (lit. form or type) and it is sometimes called nikah al-muwaqqat or izdivaj-i muvaqqat, both mean temporary marriage.

Besides the temporary marriage, four kinds of union of man and woman were prevalent among the pagan Arabs in the pre-Islamic period. The first of these was the permanent marriage tie which, in a modified form, was recognized by Islam. The second was known as the istibdza (from bidz, meaning a portion or a large portion of wealth, sufficient to carry on a trade). The following explanation of this word is given in Bukhari (67:37) that, "a man would say to his wife: send for such a one and have cohabitation with him; and the husband would remain aloof from her and would not touch her until her pregnancy was clear". The third form was that in which any number of men, less than ten, would gather together and have cohabitation with a woman, and when she became pregnant and gave birth to a child, she would call for all these men and would say that the child belonged to such a one from among them; and he would bound by her word to accept the responsibility. Fourthly, there were prostitutes who were entered upon promiscuously and when one of them bore a child, a man known as qa'if (one who recognized) was invited and his decision, based on similarity of features, was final as to who was the father of the child. The last three forms only legalized adultery in one form or another and Islam did not recognize any of them, nor was any such practice resorted to by any Muslim at any time.

The Muta or the temporary marriage stood on a different basis, and reform in this matter was brought about generally. It was into practice among the pagan Arabs in the 4th century. The reference of this form of marriage is believed to have found in the Koran (4:28), although the explanation of this passage as early as the 1st/7th century refers it to the ordinary marriage. After giving a list of the classes of women with whom marriage is forbidden, the Koranic verse reads: "And further, you are permitted to seek out wives with your wealth, in modest conduct but not in fornication; but give them their reward (ajr) for what you have enjoyed of them (istamta'tum) in keeping with your promise."

The traditions are contradictory on the question of muta. According to Tabari (1:1775-6), it was in use in the time of the Prophet and he was even said to have practised it. On the other hand, Ali bin Abu Talib relates that it was forbidden by the Prophet on the day of Khaibar (Bukhari, maghazi, bab 38). According to other traditions as quoted by Ahmad b. Hanbal, muta was first forbidden by Umar at the end of his caliphate (Masnad, 3:304). Ibn Majah (nikah, bab 44) writes that Umar threatened the punishment of stoning as he regarded muta being an act of fornication. What then is at the bottom of these contradictory traditions? We must therefore regard muta as the survived into Islam of an old Arabian custom.

The Ismailis, Zaidis or the Sunnis reject muta. Modern controversies over the permissibility of muta, however, appears to be more or less theoretical, it is not practised by the Arab Shi'ites of Lebanon and Iraq and even in Iran its social significance appears to be very slight.

Qadi Noman quoted a statement of Imam Jafar Sadik transmitted by Abbad b. Yaqub ar-Rawajini (d. 250/864) in which the Imam condemned it as a form of prostitution, vide Madelung's "The Sources of Ismaili Law" (p. 33).

MY FLAG [ see ISMAILI FLAG ]

Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral MuthiEncyclopedia Topic

Fist

Various Sources MuthiyaEncyclopedia Topic

Useless, worthless, futile

Various Sources MuvaEncyclopedia Topic

Died

Various Sources Muva pachhiEncyclopedia Topic

After death

Various Sources My Flag - Ismaili Flag - Quote from Imam Sultan Muhammad ShahName

Quoted from our 48th Imam Sultan Muhammad Shah:

"My dear Hoodbhoy,

In reply to your letter of 8thOctober, 1954, the colours of our flag
are, as you know, red and green, the reason being that we represent
both the Shah and the Pir. The Shah was Imam Hussain and the Pir was
Imam Hasan. Imam Hasan had the Pir's colour of green, but Imam
Hussain's martyrdom was so enormous in events and was so opposed to
even the smallest laws of war that the colour of his holy blood namely
red, was accepted with the green of the Holy Prophet's flag, as a
souvenir and remembrance of that terrible day."

Your's affectionately,

Sd/- Agakhan (Sultan Mohammed Shah)

15th October 1954.

NaEncyclopedia Topic

No

Various Sources Na koEncyclopedia Topic

Neither, nor

Various Sources Na thieEncyclopedia Topic

Would not be

Various Sources NA'DE ALIEncyclopedia Topic

The word na'd means sound, voice or calling, and Na'de Ali means calling upon Ali. It is a sacred invocation uttered in the time of troubles and adversities. Imam Jafar Sadik said, "One who recites Na'de Ali with pure heart, his desires will be accomplished."

During the battle of Uhud, the Meccans launched a reinforced attack on the rear of the Muslim ranks, and it caused heavy havoc. It turned the scales against the Muslims, who lost courage and took their heels. Everybody deserted the Prophet in the field. He was also embosomed with the enemies and injured. On this critical moment, the Prophet is reported to have received an inspiration, suggesting to call upon Ali bin Abu Talib. The inspiration was repeated once again to call upon Ali, who is the epiphanic source of marvels. You shall find him a help for you in adversities. All anxiety and grief shall disappear through his authority, (say,) O'Ali, O'Ali, O'Ali (Na'de Aliyyun mazharul aja'ib tajid'hu avnal'laka fin nava'ib kullo hammin wa ghammin sayanjali bi wilayatika, Ya Ali, Ya Ali, Ya Ali).

Thus, the Prophet called upon Ali thrice with a loud voice. Ali appeared in twinkle of eyes and hurled himself into the fray. He shielded the Prophet and dashed the raiders. He fought with such a tenacity of courage that he singly weighed for more than the extraordinary out-numbered party of the Meccans. John Kingsley Birge writes in The Bektashi Order of Dervishes (London, 1937, p. 138) that, "On the occasion (of Uhud), it is said Muhammad became sorely wounded. As the blood flowed, the angel Gabriel came to him and spread out his wings over him, telling him to recite the prayer of "Calling on Ali," Nadi Aliyen. As soon as Muhammad recited this prayer, Ali immediately came to his rescue, drew his Zulfikar sword and hewed down the enemy, saving both Muhammad and all the Muslims."

Beholding the valiant feats of Ali in the field, the words of glorification gushed out of the mouth of the Prophet: la fata Ali la saifullah zulfikar means "There is no youth braver than Ali, and no sword like Zulfikar" (Tirmizi, 2:299). It is also said that the phrase la fata Ali la saifullah zulfikar was also recited by the angels after the end of the battle. Sachiko Murata writes in The Tao of Islam (Lahore, 2001, p. 267) that, "The perfect exemplar of chivalry is Ali, the cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet, greatest warrior of Islamic history, and patron saint of the guides. According to some sources, after the battle of Uhud, when Ali demonstrated his unparallel valour, and angel was heard calling out, "There is no sword but Dhu'l-Fiqar, there is no fata but Ali."

The word futuwwa signifies generosity, liberality and nobleheartedness. It is derived from fata, meaning young man, hero or champion. The word fata appears often in the Koran: "They said, we heard a noble youth (fata) called Abraham speak of them" (21:60). Fata in its plural form (fityan) is also applied to the Companions of the Cavern (ahl al-kahf), vide 18:10, 13 and in its singular form it designates Moses' companion (18:60, 62).

The event making the Na'de Ali a cornerstone of the invocations was the battle of Khaibar in 7/629. The Muslims reduced five strongholds of the Jews with the exception of an impregnable al-Qamus under the command of Marhab. The Muslim champions failed to conquer it. The Prophet challenged that he would conquer it in 40 days. No sign of victory was seen after 39 days. The Prophet declared: "Tomorrow, I will hand over the standard of Islamic army to such a person who is an impetuous warrior and not an absconder; he befriends God and His Apostle and is also befriended by them. God is sure to grant victory on his hands." Every one of the Prophet's Companions was anxious to be signalized on the morrow as the beloved of God and His Apostle.

On next morning, the Prophet found silence in the Muslim camps. He broke up silence and asked, "Where is Ali?" He was informed that he had suffered with sore eyes and gone to cure his eyes. The Prophet became worried, and on this critical moment, he was inspired to call upon Ali, who is the epiphanic source of marvels. You shall find him a help for you in adversities. All anxiety and grief shall disappear through his authority, (say,) O'Ali, O'Ali, O'Ali (Na'de Aliyyun mazharul aja'ib tajid'hu avnal'laka fin nava'ib kullo hammin wa ghammin sayanjali bi wilayatika, Ya Ali, Ya Ali, Ya Ali). Syed Safdar Hosein writes in The Early History of Islam (Lucknow, 1933, p. 167) that, "Some traditions say that Ali was absent from the camp on this occasion, being at the time in Medina. The Prophet, however, saying Nad-i Ali, who appeared on the scene with his eyes badly sore."

The instillation of the Divine message was tinkling in the heart of the Prophet. He exclaimed, Ya Ali adriqani, Ya Ali agisani (O'Ali! Catch hold me. O'Ali come to help at once). Ali made his presence in twinkle of eyes, saying Labaik Ya Rasulillah (O' Prophet of God, I am present). The Prophet, taking Ali's head into his lap, applied the saliva of his mouth to his eyes, and then gave him the charge. Ali proceeded the front and put Marhab to sword and subdued the fort.

The word adriqani is derived from adraq yudriqu meaning to reach or avail, referring to reach to help. Its other derivative form adraqu occurs 13 times, adraqum (10:16) once and yudriqa thrice in the Koran. While the word agisani is derived from agas meaning mature or anything reaches in time. Both words thus represent a similar meaning as the Koran (8:9) says: "When you sought aid from your Lord, so He answered you" (iz tastaginsun rabbakun fartajab lequm).

The invocation, Na'de Ali does not begin with the word qul (say), but na'd (call). It is that when the Prophet was to address the people, the word qul occurred in the Koran, but when his address reserved for an individual, the word na'd was employed.

The Koran says: "And to God belong the beautiful names (asma'ul husna), so call on Him by them" (7:180). In Kawkab-i Dhurri (3:29), there is a blessed saying of Ali bin Abu Talib that, "I am the beautiful names (asma'ul husna) by which God has commanded people to call on Him." According to the report of Abul Hamra, it is mentioned in Hilyatu'l Awliya that the Prophet said, "When I was carried by night to the heaven, I saw written on the leg of the Throne:

Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral NabhEncyclopedia Topic

Umbilicus, navel

Various Sources Nabh kamalEncyclopedia Topic

Navel

Various Sources Nabhi kamalEncyclopedia Topic

Place where the navel is situated, the lotus of navel

Various Sources NABIEncyclopedia Topic

"The word nabi is derived from naba, meaning an announcement of great utility imparting knowledge of a thing. One lexicologist explains the word nabi as meaning an ambassador between God and rational beings from among His creatures. According to another, a nabi is the man who gives information about God. In Persia and Turkey, the word paighambar, or he who bears a message is used. As an abstract noun, the word nubuwwa (prophethood) occurs 5 times in the Koran.

The Koran says: "There is not a people but a warner has gone among them" (35:24). And again: "Every nation has had an apostle" (10:47). There have been prophets besides those mentioned in the Koran: "And We sent apostles We have mentioned to thee before and apostle We have not mentioned to thee" (4:164).

It is, in fact, stated in a hadith that there have been 1,24,000 prophets, while the Koran contains only about 25 names, among them being several non-Biblical prophets. For example, Hud and Saleh raised up in Arabia, Lukman in Ethiopia, a contemporary of Moses, known as Khizr in Sudan and Dhul Qarnain in Iran.

A nabi is also called rasul (pl. rusul), which means an apostle or messenger (lit., one sent). The two words nabi and rasul are used interchangeably in the Koran, the same person being sometimes called nabi and sometimes rasul; while occasionally both names are combined. The reason seems to be that the prophet has two capacities, viz. he receives messages from God, and imparts them to mankind. He is called nabi in his first, and rasul in his second capacity, but there is one difference. The word rasul has a wider significance, being applicable to every messenger in a literal sense; and the angels are also called divine messenger (rusul) in the Koran (35:1) because they are also bearers of divine messages.

While mentioning the earlier prophets, the Koran says that Noah was sent "to his people" (7:59, 71:1), and so Hud (7:65), and Saleh (7:73), and Shu'aib (7:85). Every one of them was sent to his people. It speaks of Moses as being commanded to "bring forth thy people from darkness into light" (14:5); it speaks of Jesus as "an apostle to the children of Israel" (3:48); but in speaking of Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), it says in unequivocal words that "We have not sent thee but to all men as a bearer of good news and as a warner" (34:28). The Arabic words for all men are kaffat-an-lil nass where even al-nass carries the idea of all people, and the addition of kaffa is meant to emphasize further that not a single nation was excluded from the ministration of the Prophet. He is expressly described as being "a warner to all the nations" (25:1). Nay, the Koran repeatedly is itself termed "a reminder for the nations" (68:52, 81:27, 38:87 and 12:104). And he is not only a warner to all the nations, but a mercy to all of them as well: "And We have not sent thee but a mercy to all the nations" (21:107).

It is to be noted that the prophet (nabi) gives a new structure of knowledge, whereas an apostle (rasul) works out the full implication of this new structure. The nabi awakens mankind from its unconscious state (ghafala) and the rasul creates the right conditions to preserve the awakened mind. The nabi also brings the news by standing almost outside history. But the rasul stands right within the historical context, challenges it and transforms it. The believing is the right response to a nabi, whereas obeying is what a rasul requires.

Encyclopaedia of Ismailism by Mumtaz Ali Tajddingeneral NaBINoun

Prophète. (Sans message écrit). V. Rasoul*.

Heritage Dictionary of Ismailism, entry #83general NaBOUWaTNoun

Mission prophétique.

Heritage Dictionary of Ismailism, entry #85general NachanharEncyclopedia Topic

Dancers

Various Sources NachiEncyclopedia Topic

With a dance, while dancing

Various Sources NachintEncyclopedia Topic

Thoughtless, careless

Various Sources NachintEncyclopedia Topic

Carefree, oblivious, careless

Various Sources NachintaEncyclopedia Topic

Carelessly, thoughtlessly

Various Sources NachiyaEncyclopedia Topic

Danced

Various Sources NachiyoEncyclopedia Topic

Danced, staged, acted, played

Various Sources NadEncyclopedia Topic

Music, musical instrument

Various Sources NadEncyclopedia Topic

Sound, call, tnusical mode, melody, roar, conch, shell, horn

Various Sources NadEncyclopedia Topic

An artery, blood-vessel vein

Various Sources NADNoun

Parole, clameur, bruit.

Heritage Dictionary of Ismailism, entry #1004general Nad puravsheEncyclopedia Topic

Will proclaim publicly, will call out, will announce

Various Sources NadaEncyclopedia Topic

Woof or weft of doth, width

Various Sources NadiEncyclopedia Topic

Vein, artery

Various Sources NadiEncyclopedia Topic

Vein

Various Sources NaDINoun

Rivière.

Heritage Dictionary of Ismailism, entry #790general NaDIYANoun

Rivière. Il y a 999 rivières dans le corps humain.

Heritage Dictionary of Ismailism, entry #699general NaenaEncyclopedia Topic

Eye

Various Sources NaenoEncyclopedia Topic

Eyes

Various Sources NafalEncyclopedia Topic

Supererogatory prayer, prayer which is not obligatory

Various Sources NaferiEncyclopedia Topic

Name of a musical instrument

Various Sources