AI-Mu'ayyad fid-din Abu Nasr Hibat Allah b. Abi 'Imran Musa b. Da'ud ash-Shirazi was born in Shiraz not later than 387/997 and died in Cairo 470/1077. He lived during the time of the Fatimid Caliphs al-Hakim (386-41 2/996-1021), az-Zahir (412-427/1021-1036) and al-Mustansir (427-48 1036-1094). He was contemporary with the changeover from the Buyid to the Saljuq Sultanate und the 'Abbasid Caliphate, as well as the Arab bedouin Hilalian invasion of North Africa, the Fatimiid encouraged invasion of Baghdad by al-Basasiri, the Battle of Manzikert in Anatolia, the rise of the Sulayhids of Yaman and the advent of the Armnenian General Badr al-Jamali in Egypt. His autobiography, as-Sira. spells out his master-passion, namely the prevention of the coming of Saljuq Turks to the Central lands of Islam, in which he failed. However, as Chief Da'i of Fatimid State from 450-470/1058-1077. he witnessed and shaped some of the major events of the time mentioned above.

Early Life

Al-Mu'ayyad belonged to an influential Daylami lsmaili family. He and a brother of his were initiated in the Fatimid Da'wa of Persia by their father who was himself a da'i, working under a superior da'i to whom the Caliph al-Hakim's Chief Da'i in Cairo, Hamid ad-din al-Kirrnani, wrote a letter (Risale Mabasim al-basharat) protesting the independent appointment of al-Muayyad and his brother in the Persian Da'wa. AI-Muayyad's father became important enough to be visited by the Wazir Abu Ghalib Fakhr al-Mulk al-Wasiti (as-Sira, 15) the Wazir of the Buyid Amir Baha ad-Dawla.

Al-Mu'ayyad himself entered the service of Buyid Amir Abu Kalijar (r. at Shiraz 415/1024 Baghdad, 435/1044 until 440/1048) at Shiraz 429/1038. He received the patronage of the Wazir Bahram b. Mafanna al-'Adil (b. 360 - d. 433/1041) and was opposed by the Qadi 'Abd Allah 436/1044) (Farsnama, 118). Al-Mu'ayyad had support of the local Daylami Shi'ite community towards whom the Turkish troops of the ruler were hostile.

He engaged in religious controversies, conducted seances of learning (al-Majals), read the Fatimid Khutba in the mosque of Ahwaz and even went to the extent of asking Abu Kalijar to correspond with the Fatimid Caliph (as-Sira, 55)

The Abbasid Caliph al-Qadir (381-422/991-1031) had taken the initiative in issuing a manifesto against the Fatimid origin of the Egyptian Caliphs in 402/1011. The next Abbasid Caliph al-Qa'im (422-467/1031-1075) had appointed as his advisor, Ibn al-Muslima an avowed enemy of the last Buyids and the chief promoter of Abbasid-Saljuq solidarity. He was now responsible for bringing pressure on Abu Kalijar through the Qadi lbn al-Mushtari to extradite al-Mu'ayyad from Persia. A letter from the Abbasid Caliph even threatened to ask the Saijuq leader Tughril Beg to invade Shiraz (as-Sira, 63-64)

In the meantime Tughril Beg had won the battle of Dandanaqan in 429/1038 against the Ghaznavids and occupied Khurasan. The Abbasid Caliph al-Qaim had sent the famous qadi al-Mawardi on two missions to Tughril in 434/1042 and 435/1043 shortly after Tughril's entry into Ray (al-Muntazam, Vlll, 113). Soon after that Tughril minted coins in 437/1045. Ibn ar-Rawandi: (Rahat as-sudur, 105) and adopted the title of Sultan in 438/1046 (Miles. Num. Hist) The Abbasid Caliph and Ibn al- Muslima urged Tughril to proceed to Egypt via Asia Minor (Byzantine territory) and used him to encourage the Ziri Amir North Africa, Mu'izz b. Badis (r. 406-453/1015-1061 to change the Fatimid Khutba for the 'Abbasid (as-sira 56- 57; al-ltti'az, Istanbul ms. in ldris, Glances, 302-303, Ibn 'Idhari: al-Bayan I, 275) .

Al-Mu'ayyad thought it wise to leave Persia about the beginning of 438/1046 although he did so unwillingly. He travelled to Jannaba, long-time home of the Qarmatians, then to the territory of a bedouin chief, Mansur b. Husayn near Ahwaz, where he tarried for seven months. Then he went to Shapur from where he was again pressured out by the Oadi lbn al-Mushtari, and arrived in the Hilia of the bedouin tribal chief Dubays b. Mazid al-Asadi, (as-Sira', 69-73). From here he proceeded to Kufa and Mawsil which were then in the hands of Qirwash b. al-Muqallad of Bani 'Uqayl who had recently received an investiture from the Fatimid Caliph (as-Sira, 74). At Mawsil, where he remained till the end of the year, he received a letter from Abu Kalijar informing him of the danger of the Turkomans. Abu Kalijar conveyed through him a message of friendship for the Fatimid Caliph (as-Sira, 76).In early 439/1047 at-Mu'ayyad arrived in Egypt.

Egypt was under the Caliph al-Mustansir, then about twenty years old. The power rested mainly in the hands of the Queen-Mother and the Jewish merchant Abu Sa'd al-Tustari. The Wazir was alFallahi, a protege of Abu Sa'd and the Qadi was al-Qasim b. 'Abd al-'Aziz b. Muhammad b. an-Nu'man, who was also the Chief Da'i.. Al-Mu'ayyad did not like these officers and their intrigues, although he has some good words for al-Fallahi (as-Sira, 81-84). Al-Fallahi had Abu Sa'd killed and was in turn assassinated by the agents of the Queen Mother, who included al-Yazuri, who then became a wazir. Al-Yazuri dismissed Ibn Nu'man and took over as the Qadi and the Chief Da'i. He also secured the exile to Syria of Abu I-Barakat who had briefly preceded him as a wazir (as-Sira 85-89). Al-Mu'ayyad was appointed to the Diwan al-insha' (secretariat) in 440/1048 on a monthly salary of 1000 dinars and wrote the religious sermons (al-Majalis) for al-Yazuri. (as-Sira, 89-90) Al-Mu'ayyad gives us an interesting information about the presence of a Buyid Prince Abu 'Ali in the Fatimid Court (as-Siras 87).

Al-Mu'ayyad in Syria and Iraq

In 447/1055 Tughril had entered Baghdad with his wazir al-Kundari; the last Buyid Amir Al-Malik ar-Rahim was removed to Ray and on the insistence of lbn al-Muslima, Baghdad's military commander, Abu I-Harith Arslan al-Basasiri, was ousted from the Capital. The Fatimid manoeuvres now included a letter from al-Mu'ayyad, in Persian, to al-Kundari in an attempt at reconciliation with the Saljuqs, which failed; and a letter from al-Mu'ayyad to al-Basasiri which was well received. Al-Basasiri promised to take an action against the Saljuqs from his new headquarters at Rahba, provided he received Fatimid help. (as-Sira, 94-96).

Al-Mu'ayyad was now sent by the Fatimid Caliph al-Mustansir and the Wazir al-Yazuri on a mission to the Syrian Amirs and particularly to al-Basasiri, with an army of 3000 Arab troops from Bani Kalb and a store of provisions. He was to be an Ambassador-at-large with a free hand in negotiations and awards of material and gifts with the sole purpose of ousting the Saljuqs from Baghdad and taking the Abbasid capital.

He first came to Sur (Tyre) in the court of the autonomous ruler al-Qadi 'Ayn ad-Dawla Abu 1-Hasan Muhammad of the Aqil family. His plan was to march across the territory of the Mirdasid Chief Thimal b. Salih, ruler of Aleppo, and to join with al-Basasiri at Rahba. lbn Aqil advised him against it; and the Fatimid governor of Damascus, Haydara, was undecided. At last al-Mu'ayyad decided to open negotiations with lbn Salih to which al-Yazuri was opposed. From the Secretariat in Cairo, a letter, in the handwriting of the Oadi al-Quda'i. arrived, denouncing al-Mu'ayyad's policy, but our Da'i remained adamant. (as-Sira, 97-107)

Al-Mu'ayyad's and lbn Salih's forces met in the vicinity of Homs. From there they marched together to Ma'arrat an-Nu'man to join with a section of al-Basasiri's army. Together, the allies proceeded to Aleppo to establish their headquarters. An oath of allegiance to the Fatimid Caliph was taken by the allied chiefs and gifts were distributed to them. (as-Sira, 107-108) Abu Nasr Ahmad b. Marwan, the ruler of Mayyafariqin and Diyar-Bekir wrote to at-Mu'ayyad and complained of the discontinuance of Fatimid gifts to him, which were once again promised to him by our 'Da'i, should he stop supporting the Turkomans. (as-Sira, 109-113).

Al-Mu'ayyad then contacted the Numayri Chief lbn Waththab, who ruled the region between Khabur and Rahba, but the latter refused to join because of his enmity with Ibn Salih. (as-Sira, 119-120) At last the allied troops converged on Rahba where they had a grand rendezvous with al-Basasiri. Al- Mu'ayyad bestowed robes of honour and promised gifts. He read a sermonand bound all parties to a covenant with the Caliph al-Mustansir in Safar 448/April 1056. (as-Sira. 1 22-124).

Dubays b. Mazid al-Asadi of Hilla and Quraysh b. Badran al-'Uqayil of Mawsil, were allied with Tughril, but were reluctant to have their sons sent as hostages to the Saljuq camp. Al-Mu'ayyad contacted them. Dubays parlayed until he received money but he could not support al-Mu'ayyad because of his enmity of lbn Salih and jealously of al-Basasiri. (as-Sira, 124-130).

Quraysh b. Badran remained hostile, a battle was fought against him at Sinjar and Mawsil was occupied. The Fatimid Khutba was read there. However, due to Dubays b. Mazid's intervention, Ouraysh was protected. (as-Sira, 134-135).

Kufa and Wasit now read the Fatimid Khutba while at Wasit coins were even minted in the name of al-Mustansir, in 448/1056. (as-Sira, 136-137) The Arab leaders wanted to take Amid, while al- Mu'ayyad from his headquarters al-Qayyara wanted them to encircle Baghdad and trap the Turkoman army north of the Capital. Al-Basasiri was extremely annoyed at the hostility of his Arab allies and considered leniency to Quraysh b. Badran a betrayal. Under the circumstances, al-Mu'ayyad wrote frantic letters to all allied leaders and distributed more money freshly arrived from Cairo. (as-Sira, 136-153).

Al-Mu'ayyad wrote again to Tughril's wazir al-Kundari but to no avail. Quraysh b. Badran and Dubays b. Mazid, through the intermediary, Ibn Warram, negotiated peace with Tughril who promised them Mawsit and southern Iraq respectively. But since al-Basasiri found no such accommodation, he remained loyal to the fatimid cause. (as-Sira,154-157)

Saljuq action now against Diyar Bekir and Mawsil forced the Numayri chief lbn Waththab and the 'Uqayli chief lbn Marwan to join the Fatimid camp of al-Mu'ayyad and al-Basasiri. Al-Mu'ayyad then went to Aleppo and reprimanded Thimal b. Salih for misappropriating some Fatimid funds. lbn Salih remained insolent and refused to aid the new allies. Al-Mu'ayyad managed with Cairo sending a new governor over Aleppo - lbn Mulhim - and assisted in the deposal of lbn Salih. This was at the end of 449/1057. (as-Sira, 171 -1 7 5).

At this point a dramatic incident happened. lbrahim Yinal. Tughril's half-brother who had taken Mawsil from Quraysh now sent a secret mission to him and to al-Basasiri. They directed the envoy to al-Mu'ayyad at Aleppo. lbrahim was planning to revolt against Tughril and to read the Fatimid Khutba in return for Fatimid help. This help was promised. Al-Mu'ayyad gave instructions to al-Basasiri to attack Baghdad immediately, and told him that he was proceeding to Cairo to arrange regular reinforcements for him. (as-Siral 175-176).

In Cairo, the wazir al-Yazuri was arrested on charges of negotiating with the enemy and was executed in Tinnis in Muharram 450/Feb. 1058. He was followed by the wazir al-Babili and then by the wazir lbn. al-Maghribi. Their emissaries tried to stop al-Mu ayyad on his way to Egypt, asking him to return to Aleppo: but the latter, defying their orders, nevertheless, reached Cairo (as- Sira, 176-178).

lbrahim b. Yinal had left Mawsil, leaving behind just a small garrison commanded by the General Khumartagin, and departed for the Jibal province. This was interpreted by Tughril as a revolt and he proceeded to Ray to apprehend lbrahim, which he did. lbrahim was executed and his revolt crushed. In the meantime Quraysh b. Badran and al-Basasiri took Mawsil and eliminated the Turkish garrison. They, however, pardoned Khumartagi'n, who was destined to be the person responsible for al-Basasiri's defeat and death (as-Sira, 179-182; al-Kamil, 439-40 and 444).

Al-Mu'ayyad's autobiography ends at this point.

Al-Basasiri incident:

Al-Basasiri and Quraysh marched towards Baghdad in D'hu'I-Qa'da 450/1058. Most of Tughril's army was away on Nawruz leave. The rest were occupied suppressing the revolt of Ibrahim Yinal. Quraysh camped on the west bank of the Euphrates. AI-Basasiri entered Baghdad via the suburb of Karkh.The Caliph's palace was sacked. The Caliph al-Qa'im and 1bn al-Muslima escaped and took refuge with Ouraysh. On al-Basasiri's demand ibn-al-Muslima was surrendered and was crucified till he died in great agony. Ouraysh, however, refused to surrender the Caliph and sent him away to his cousin Muharish to be kept in safe custody at the fortress of Haditha Ana, where he was later rescued by Tughril. Al-Basasiri treated Tughril's niece, who was also the Caliph's wife, with great respect and chivalry. 'Amid al-Iraq and and Ibn Ma'mun (Ibn al-Muslima's envoy to Tughril) were executed. The Chief Qadi ad-Damighani purchased his freedom by a huge ransom.

The Fatimid khutba was read in Karkh, Baghdad, Wasit, Basra and in many other parts of Iraq. This continued for forty Fridays, almost until the end of 451/1059. Egypt was en fete. A palace was reserved for the imprisoned Abbasid Caliph, who, however, did not arrive. Al-Mu'ayyad wrote an impassioned qasida on the occasion of al-Basasiri's victory (Diwan, 281).

In Dhu 1-Hijja 451/Jan. 1060 Tughril's general Khumartagin fought a bloody battle hear Kufa in which al~Basasiri was killed. Tughril re-entered Baghdad, and the Saljuq rule was now firmly established. The Iraqi venture left the Egyptian treasury almost empty and the Fatimid State vulnerable to many misfortunes as we shall notice later (al-Kamil and Khitat under yrs. 450 and 451 H.).

Al-Mu'ayyad in Egypt (450-467/1058-1074);

Manzikert; Daral-lim:

On his return from Syria. al-Mu'ayyad was coldly received by the Wazir lbn al-Maghribi (as-Sira, 178) but was appointed as the Head of the Da'wa organisation (Da'id-Du'at or Bab al-Abwab) in 450/1058 and as such must have been in a position to send help to al-Basasiri till the completion of his campaign (Akhbar Misri 10; 'Uyun-ms.-Vil, fol. 58).

Ibn as-Sayrafi informs us that for a short while al-Mu'ayyad was exiled to Syria. This was done on the initiative of the Wazir 'Abd Allah b. Yahya b. al-Mudabbir who assumed office in 453/ 1061. Then at the interval of every few months there was a change in the wazirate. The fifth in this series. Abu 'Ali Ahmad b. 'Abd al-Hakim b. Sa'id, who took up office in 454/1062, adopted the title of Da'id-Du'at, but perhaps he did so against the Caliph's wish. In any case he enjoyed the title only for a short time, for soon after we find al-Mu'ayyad in Cairo, in charge of the office of the Chief Da'i, receiving an envoy from Yaman in the same year.

Between the death of the wazir al-Yazuri in 449/ 1057 and the arrival of the Commander Badr al-Jamali in 467/1074, Egypt was engulfed in great administrative crises. During this period 40 wazirs and 42 qadis were changed and famine and plague stalked the country. During these difficult days the only person who remained in the confidence of the Caliph al-Mustansir was the Chief Da'i al-Mua'yyad who remained in office constantly. In all diplomatic exchanges of the Fatimids where the Saljuqs were involved, af-Mu'ayyad's role must be inferred.

For four years (454-459/1062-1066) a soldier of fortune, Nasir ad-Dawla from the Hamdanid family of Syria, tyrannised Egypt by leading the Turkish and Berber troops against the Sudani troops of the Caliph. There was looting and plundering of the city and. the country which resulted in the great famine of 459-464/1066-1071 called ash-shiddat al-uzma. When the Caliph led his troops personally against Nasir ad-Dawla, the latter installed himself in the Delta and ran a parallel government from Alexandria and- Dimyat. It is from here that he invited the second Saljuq Sultan Alp Arslan to invade Egypt, and in 462/1070 even proceeded to read the 'Abbasid khutba in the towns of the Delta. (al-itti'az - Istanbul ms.-yr. 462 H.). In fact Alp Arslan came to Aleppo and was about to proceed from there to Damascus and Egypt, when he was diverted by the Byzantine Emperor Romanus Diogenes to Manzikert in Armenia where a decisive battle took place in 463/1071. Just before the battle a secret Fatimid embassy had arrived in Constantinople under the qadi al-Quda'i, which may explain the Emperor's sudden action against Alp Arslan, (Zubda, 11, 1 3-1 4) ; and in the constant administrative flux at Cairo, we may infer the policy-making of the only major administrator holding office continuously, namely al-Mu'ayyad. Although the Byzantine Emperor was defeated, Alp Arslan, once diverted from his westward course, could never return. In some of the darkest days of Fatimid history, its diplomacy saved the Fatimid State.

Al-Mu'ayyad was appointed the head of the Academy of Science (Dar al-'Iim) in Cairo, which was also the headquarters of the Da'wa and became the residence of al-Mu'ayyad. Dar al-'Ilm had originally been founded by the Caliph al-Hakim. It is from here that he directed the Da'wa affairs throughout the Fatimid sphere of influence particularly Persia, Yaman, Bahrayn and Northern and Western India and we shall notice presently his connections with these areas. .('Uyun - ms. - fols. 59-63, 65).

Al-Mu'ayyad and Abul-Ala:

Let me digress to describe a peculiar relationship between our da'i and the famous writer and poet of the time, Abul-'Ala' al-Ma'arri (363-449/973-1057). Al-Mu'ayyad could have passed by Ma'arratan-Nu'man, the home-town of the poet in 438/1046; and was definitely there in 448/1056. He could have met the poet then or could have corresponded with him from Cairo. This correspondence is preserved both in our da'i's Majalis and in Yaqut's Mujam al-Udaba, and was studied by Margoliouth (J.R.A.S.-1902-p. 289 seq.). Al-Mu'ayyad criticises Abul-'Ala's ideas in favour of vegetarianism, with great respect for the latter, and using only rational and not shar'i argurnents.

Al-Mu'ayyad also refuted lbn ar-Rawandi's mu'tazilite ideas contained in his Kitab az-zumurrudh studied by P. Kraus, R.S.O.- 1934-pp. 93-129.

Al-Mu'ayyad and Nasir-i-Khusraw-The Persian Da'wa

Nasir-i-Khusraw (394-470/1003-1077), the famous Persian da'i and poet, visited Cairo in 439/ 1047, the same year in which al-Mu'ayyad had also arrived. He never mentions al-Mu'ayyad in his Safar- nameh but this is probably because at-Mu'ayyad had not yet attained an important position and his acquaintance with him, if any, would have been slight. After al-Mu'ayyad was given charge of the Da'wa at home and abroad, he must have come in close touch with the activities of Nasir in Khurasan. In a poem written in 455/1063 (Diwan, 173-177) Nasir praises al-Mua-yyad as his master (teacher) and refers to him as the "Warden of the Gate" (Bab). There are other direct references in Nasir's Diwan (313-314).

Persia, Khurasan and Central Asia had witnessed in the past great activity of the lsmaili mission, which attempted to penetrate even the court circles of the Ziyarids, the Samanids and the Buyids. The breeding ground of lsmailism had been the Daylami highlands. Great Da'i-authors operated here. such as Abu Hatim ar-Razi, an-Nasafi and Abu Ya'qub as-Sijistani, from before the establishment of the Fatimid Caliphate until the time of Caliph al-Hakim, in whose court arrived from Persia another luminary, the Da'i Hamid ad-Din al-Kirmani. Many Qarmatian bands were dominated by Persian dissidents from the Fatimid Da'wa; and the very early lsmaili secret society called lkhwan as-Safa (Brethren of Purity) were also mainly a Persian group. We have noticed the activities of our Da'i al-Mu'ayyad who was also a Persian.

Now Persia and Central Asia needed a person of great calibre and Nasir-i-Khusraw was appointed Hujjat-e-Khurasan on his return from Egypt in 444/1052. He has left us, in his Safar-nameh: a most vivid account of the splendour of Egypt in a comparatively-disturbed period of its history. Nasir, unlike the earlier Persian da'is, wrote not in Arabic, but in Persian. On his return he began work in Mazanderan and the Daylam region and in Khurasan, but Saljuqid pressure forced him out to his retreat in Yumagan in Badakhshan territory, in the Ghaznawid realm, where he wrote most of his works and ended his days sometime between 465 and 470;1072-1077. His poems show that his only contact in the Da'wa headquarters in Cairo was with al-Mu'ayyad, under whose direction the Persian and Central Asian Da'wa was managed. (Ivanow Nasir-i-Khusraw, Bombay, 1948).

Al-Mu'ayyad, the lthna- Asharis and the Qarmatians:

Since al-Mu'ayyad's aim was to isolate and defeat the Saljuqs and the orthodox Caliphate of the 'Abbasids, he wanted to create a wide Shi'i alliance under the leadership of the Fatimid Caliphate and to play down the inner Shi'ite differences.

The Arab bedouin chiefs in Syria and Iraq, such as Thimal b. Salih of Aleppo and Dubays b. Mazid of Hilia, were of Shi'ite persuasion, because the people of the territories they ruled were so. Their racial and religious antipathy to the Saljuqs according to al-Mu'ayyad, could draw them nearer to the Fatimids, although they might not accept lsmailism as such.

It is in pursuance of this policy that al-Mu'ayyad praises the lmam Musa al-Kazim, the initiator of the lthna 'Ashari line, and attacks lbn al-Muslima's action in 443/1051 in destroying lmam Musa's tomb (al- Mu'ayyad's Diwan, No. 23). Nowhere in al-Mu'ayyad's works do we find polemics against any non-lsmaili Shi'i faction, except for example certain controversies that were forced on him, such as his dialogue with a Zaydi'alim in Abu Kalijar's court (as-Sira, 57-60).

As for the Qarmatians of Bahrayn, we know that they and the Fatimids were part of the same lsmaili movement, but differences in policy, doctrines and the question of the headquarters of the Caliphate made them a distinct group. At times they opposed the Fatimids, for example under their leaders Abu Sa'id at-Jannabi and Hasan al-A'sam: and at times they collaborated with the Fatimids, as under Abu Tahir at-Jannabi. Since the time of the Fatimid Caliph al-Hakim they had coexisted peacefully with the Fatimids without any hostility.

The Da'i Nasir-i-Khusraw on his return from Egypt passed through their territory on the Persian Gulf, and found there a commune of 20,000 inhabitants managing an idyllic society and a State (Lewis: Origins of Ismailism 99-100). The visit of a Fatimid da'i to their territory is itself an evidence of good relations.

Al-Mu'ayyad and the Sulayhids - The Yamani Da'wa:

In the early days of the lsma'iii mission when it was searching for a homeland where it could establish its Caliphate, Yaman was one of the choices. The Da'i Abu I-Qasim b. Hawshab Mansur al-Yaman arrived here in 260/873 and succeeded in conquering San 'a' and establishing the first Isma'ili political base in 268/881. Later when al-Mahdi founded the Fatimid Caliphate in North Africa in 297/909, lbn Hawshab declared his loyalty but his colleague, the da'i Ali b. al-Fadl revolted and joined the Qarmatian platform. On the death of lbn Hawshab 302/914, the Fatimid Caliph let the lsmaili political power drift away, on purpose, and called lbn Hawshab's son Ja'far to the Maghrib where he was put in charge of the Da'wa. (al-Iftitah, 32-71).

The Fatimid interest now was concentrated in the Southern and Eastern Mediterranean areas and Yaman was of no particular use in its trade or strategy. But by the time of the Caliph al-Mustansir, in the 5th/1 lth centuries, Fatimid influence in the Mediterranean regions had shrunk considerably, and it was forced to look southwards to Yaman and eastwards to India.

In Yaman a skeleton Dawa (religious, not political) had been maintained throughout the interim period. This Da'wa was now encouraged to revive the idea of establishing an lsma'ili State. From the Sulayhi family of Banu Hamdan a young man called 'Ali b. Muhammad was chosen to be a Da'i in command in' Yaman. He declared his mission at Mt. Masar in 439/1047 and by 450/1058 captured San 'a' in a triangular conflict between him. the Ya'furids and the Zaydi, Imarnat of Sa'da. In the fotrowing, years, he took Janad, Adan and finally Zabid from the Najahids, and by 455/1063 he was master of all Yaman and Hadramawt. He was now the Da'i-Sultan of Yaman, but the chief of the religious Da'wa under him was the Da'i and Qadi Lamak b. Malik al-Hammadi, who served as a link between Cairo and San'a. Between 454-459/1062-1066 when Egypt was ravaged by the adventurer Nasir ad-Dawla, Qadi Lamak stayed withal-Mu'ayyad at the Daral-'Ilm. The main purpose of his embassy was the desire of 'Ali b. Muhammad as-Sulayhi to come to Egypt to restore law and order in the Fatimid State. The idea may have been initiated by al-Mu'ayyad, but the time was not yet thought to be ripe for such an action. In any case the embassy ended on the death of 'Ali at the pilgrimage in 459/ Oct. 1067. (Da'i Hatim: Tuhfa in Oriens, 23-24, 1972).

The works of the Yamani authors of the Da'wa from 6 th/12th century onwards until the transference of the Da'wa's headquarters to India in 944/1537 amply bear out the impact of al-Mu'ayyad's ideas and teachings. References to at-Mu'ayyad's works are so numerous that it would be impossible to enumerate them here. Only one need be mentioned, namely Kitab Jami' al-haqa'iq in 2 Vols. by the third Da'i 1-mutlaq of Yaman, Hatim b. lbrahim al-Hamidi (d. 596/1199) which contains a summary of 800 seances al-Mu'ayyad contained in his 8 Vols. of al-Majalis.

Al-Mu'ayyad and India:

After the Da'i lbn Hawshab had established himself in Yaman he sent in 270/883 his nephew al-Haythem as a da'i to Sind and a near-contemporary authority, al-Qadi an-Nu'man (d. 3631974), in his Iftitah attests the spread of the Da'wa in other parts of India. Two Isma'iii states accepting Fatimid sovereignty existed in Pakistan a century after that, namely in Multan from 354/965 to 401/1010 and in Mansurah from 401/1010 to 416/1025, both of which were swept away by the invasion of Mahmud of Ghazna. Later in 443/1051, another lsma'ili dynasty called the Sumra founded a State at Thatta which lasted for 3 centuries until 752/1351. Its inception was at the time of the Fatimid Caliph al-Mustansir. We have no evidence of al-Mu'ayyad's contacts with them for the sheer reason that no local lsma'ili sources have survived. But as it was the practice of the Central Da'wa to keep in touch with the lsma'iii bases abroad al-Mu'ayyad's influence in this area can be inferred. (See my monograph. The Beginnings of the Isma'ili Da'wa in Northern India, Cairo, 1956).

On the west coast of India, the lsma'iii religious Da'wa was revived soon after the establishment of the Sulayhid State in Yaman. On Da'i Lamak's return to Yaman in 460/1067 from his mission to the Central Da'i at-Md'ayyad in Cairo, he sent one Da'i 'Abd Allah to Cambay in Gujrat where he is reported to have converted the Raja Siddhraj Jaysingh Solankhi and his ministers Bharmal and Tarmat. (Khwaj b. Malik: Maimu 'ar-rasa'il, 10). The author of ar-Risalat azzahira (p. 11) adds: "He (i.e. 'Abd Allah) was sent from Yaman by orders of one from whom he learned and acquired knowledge, namely one of the learned people of Yaman, Larnak b. Malik al-Hammadi by name. who followed the orders of, and attributed his origin (that of his learning) to this source, namely the perfect, learned and unique scholar Hibat Allah b. Musa from Shiraz."

The spread of the Da'wa in Deccan and its origin in al-Mu'ayyad is mentioned by Khwaj b. Malik in his Majmu' (p. 1 3) as follows:' In the district of Deccan there is a village called Daham Gam. lman (faith) spread in this district from this village, just as in Gujrat it spread from Cambay. In this village there were two .men who acquired knowledge, then proceeded from India, in the time of al-Mustansir, to Egypt and joined the lsma'ili faith at the bidding of Sayyidna al-Mu'ayyad from whom they acquired much knowledge. Their names were Lam Nath and Rup Nath (later called Mawla'i Nurad-Din). Both of them returned from Egypt to their native village, Daham Gam, where their tombs still exist near Aurangabad."

Although Khwaj b. Malik died in 1002/1693 and the time of the author of ar-Risalat az-zahira is not known, both are late sources. In so far as they preserve the local Indian lsma'ili tradition, (but in terms of the Indian 'Dawa an early tradition) and in absence of contrary evidence their information must be accepted. . -

Two of al-Mu'ayyad's own qasidas throw some light on his connections with India. For instance he claims: "I have known Egypt. Syria, Hijaz- and Yaman; before that Persia and 'Iraq to the extent of Sind- in their prosperity and decline (Diwan, No. 20, p. 251). Again referring to the following of the Fatimid Caliph, he says: "Among his (i.e. Caliph's) followers are the Indians (Hunud), a cautious people and a group (jii) on the Byzantine territory." (Diwan, No. 5, p. 218).

The Works of al-Mu'ayyad:

An annotated list of al-Mu'ayyad's works can be found in Ivanow's Isma'ili Literature, Teheran, 1963. Since this list is not complete the following is reproduced from the present author's doctoral thesis (1950).

Genuine Works:

1. Diwan, published by Kamil Hasayn. Cairo l949. Al-Mu'ayyad admits in his Sira (pp. 166-167) that he is not a good poet. However, his Diwan, dedicated to the Caliphs az-Zahir and al-Mustansir has a devotional and historical value, for it abounds in references to people and events. Qasidas 47 and 61 are not by al-Mu'ayyad as indicated in the marginal notes in my ms. The final compilation of the Diwan must have been late in al-Mu'ayyad's life as it contains poems written after the age of sixty. It also includes poems written in his youth.

2. as-Sira al-Mu'ayyadiya, published by K. Husayn, Cairo, 1950. It is al-Mu'ayyad's autobiography (a rare one in lsma'ili or even Islamic literature) covering his life and activities from the year 429/1037 when he entered the court of Abu Kalijar to the year 451/1059 when al-Basasiri was killed. It contains the unique account of the city states of Syria and Iraq and the events under the last two Buyids before the occupation of Baghdad by al-Basasiri, which is not found elsewhere in such detail. As will be evident the life-story of al-Mu'ayyad related here is based mainly on this work. The Sira seems to have been composed in early 451/1059, except for a brief section (pp. 174-184) at the end, beginning with a basmala which could have been composed anytime after 454/ 1062.

3. al-Majalis in eight volumes of 100 seances each, summarised in two volumes entitled Jami'al- haqa'iq by the Yamani da'i Hatim al-Hamidi (referred to above). It contains his lectures (khutab) from the time he was at Abu Kalijar's court until his. last days at the Dar al-Ilm in Cairo. Hence, like his Diwan it was compiled in the last years of his life. It contains his Munajat as well as his correspondence with Abul 'Ala' al-Ma'arri and the refutation of lbn ar-Rawandi referred above.

His other minor works are:

4. Sharh al-ma'ad

5. Nahj al-hidaya li'l-muhtadin

6. Nahj al-'ibada

7. K. al-lbtida' wa'l-intiha'

8. al-Masa'ilal-sabun

9. Bunyad at-ta'wil, a Persian translation of Asas at-ta'wil by the earlier Da'i Qadi' n-'Nu'man.

Of doubtful authorship:

10. K. al-Mas'ala wa'l-jawab. As it contains a reference to the Caliph al-Mustansir, it was written in al-Mu'ayyad's time, either by him or by a Yamani da'i.

11. al-Majlis al-Mustansariyya' lvanow includes it among al-Muayyad's works. The editor of the book, Kamil Husayn (Cairo, ca 1950), thinks it is composed by another Da'i contemporary to al-Mu'ayyad. It is also attributed to Badr-al-Jamali by the author of Fihrist al-Majdu' Teheran 1966.

Erroneous attributions:

12. K' al-ldah wa't-tabsir fi fadl Yawm al-Qhadir

13. al-Qasidat al-lskandariyya or Dhat at-dawha

14. Ta'wil ar-arwah

Death:

Da'i ldris ('Uyun, VIl fol. 123) says that al-Mu'yyad died in Cairo sometime in the first ten days of Shawwal, 470/1078. The Caliph al-Mustansir himself read the funeral service and al-Mu'ayyad was buried in the Dar al-ilm where he had resided, worked and died. Al-Maqrizi (Khitat 1, 460) corroborates ldris's statement that at-Mu'ayyad was buried in the Dar al'lim. He lived for about 83 years.

Let us end this biography of al-Mu'ayyed with a few verses from a qasida which the Caliph al -M ustansir himself wrote for him (included in al-Mu'ayyad's Diwan, no. 40, p. 313):

"O, (Thou) well-known Hujja (Proof) amidst mankind,

Basis of knowledge, who could disable.the highest.

Even if thou werst the last in our Da'wa

Thou hast surpassed thy predecessors.

The like of thee has not been found

Among those gone by and those that remain."

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE :

The principal - source for the biography of al Mu'ayyad is his autobiography. as-Sira al- Muayyadiya. ed. Kani' Husayn. Cairo. 1950: and his Diwan' ed. K. Busayn. Cairo, 1949 Details in article). For his connection with the Buyid Court, we have lbn al-Balkhi: Farasnama (written between 500-510/1106-11 16). London, 1921. The following eastern sources give valuable information on lhe Basasiri incident, namely al-Khatil at-Baghdadi (d. 463/1071) who is followed scrupulously by lbn al-Qalanisi (d. 555/1160): Dhayl tarikh Dimishq' ed. Amedroz. Leiden. 1908: lbn af-Jawzi (d. 59711200): al-Muntazam, particularly Vol. VIll. Hyderabad. 1939 seq.; lbr., al-Athir (d. 631/1233): al-Kamil, leiden. 1851-76 and Sibt b. al-Ja\Azi (d. 65411257): Mit'at az-zaman. Paris ms. 1506. They are also the sources for the rise of the Saliuq and the formation of the 'Abbasid-Saljuq entente.

For the north Syrian scene with which al-Mu'ayyad was involved reference could be made to lbn l[- Qalanisi referred to above. and to Kamal ad-Din b. Adim (d. 66111263): Zubdat al-Haleb ed. Sami Dahan, 2 vols- 1953-54 and lbn al.Azraq al-Fariqi (d. 57211176): Ta'rikh Mayyafariqin (Ms. British Mus. Or. 5803).

Al-Mu'ayyad's autobiography ends in 450/1058, the year of his return to Egypt. For his later life, therefore we have to rely on sources specialising in the affairs of the Western Caliphate. namely the Da'i Nas'iri-Khusraw (d. ca. 465-47011072-'1077): Safar nameh. ed. Schefer, Paris, 1881 and Diwan. Publ. Teheran; lbn as-Sayrafi (d. 521/1127): al-lshara ile man nala al-wazara. cd. Masse, Cairo. 1924: lbn at-Muyassar (d. 677/1278): Akhbar Misr. ed. Masse. Cairo, 1919 and alMaqrizi (d. 845/1442): al-Khitat Cario, 2 Vols. and al-ltti'az (ms. Sarai Ahmad 111. No. 3013. Istanbul), sections of which are translated by H.R. ldris in Glances sur le.R Zirides d'lfriqiya dens le Manuscrit d'lsfinbul de l'itti'az al-hunafa'. Arabica, Vol. XI, Oct. 1964. pp. 286-305. Of the above sources Ibn al-Balkhi. Nasir-i-Khusraw, lbn as-Sayrafi, Sibt b. al-Jawzi. lbn al-Muyassar and al-Maqrizi refer to al-Mu'ayyad by name. Others, although they do not refer to him neverlheless describe the events around him. Besides the works of al-Mu'ayyad and Nasir-i-Khusraw, other relevant lsmaili sources are al-Oadi an-Nu'man (d. 3631973): iftitah ad da'wa. ed. Wadad al-Qadi. Beirut. 1970. the Fatimid Caliph al-Mustansir bi'llah (d. 48711094) Sijillat. ed. A. Majid, Cairo, 1954. also in H. Hamdani, B.S.O.A.S., Vil (1934), Pt. 2. pp. 307-324; Hatim b. Ibrahim al-Hamidi (d. 596/1199): Kitab Tuhfat al-qulub in A. Hamadani. Orip-ns, Vol. 23-24. 1972; and Da'i ldris lmadra-Din (d. 872/1467): Uyun al-akhbar. Vol. VII (ms. Hamdani coll.)

Among the secondary sources, reference could be made to E. , Memoires sur I'Egypt. 2 Vols. which is lhe best account of the time of al-Mustansir bi'allah. and my unpublished doctoral thesis: The Sira of al-Mu 'ayyad fid-din ash-Shirazi, London Univ. 1950. which contains different facets of al- Mu'ayyad's biography (summarised here) and has a detailed bibliography.

For specific questions concerning she Fatimid Da'wa and the life and times of al-Mu'ayyad reference could be made to A. Hamdani: Beginnings of the Isma'ili Da'wa in Northern India, Sirovics. Cairo, 1956. The Fatimid-Abbasid Con'lict in India. Islamic Culture. Sept. 1967; Some Considerations on the Fatimid Caliphate as Mediterranean nean Power, Atti del III Congressodj studi Arabia e Islamic (Revello. 1966). Naples 1967.. Some Aspects of the History of Libya during the Fatimid Period (Proceedings of lhe Libyan History Conference. 1968) in Libya in History. Beirut, 1970; A Possible Fatimid Background to the Battle of Manzikert the forthcoming Vol. VI of the Journal of the Historical Research Institute of the University of Ankara and The Da'iHatim b. Ibrahim at- Hamidi and his book Tuhfat al-qulub in-Orions, 23/24, 1972.

Other sources not mentioned here are referred to in the text of the article.

By:
Dr. Abbas Hamdani, University of Wisconsin, Milwaukee (U.S.A.)

He was known as Hamid ad-Din Ahmed b. 'Abd Allah al-Kirmani. His title was Hujjat al- lraqayn (Hujja of the two Iraqs, Iraq and Western Persia). Some Ismaili writers call him Sayyidna Hamid ad-Din al-Kirmani (our Master Hamid ad-Din al-Kirmani).

It is not known, for certain, when he was born nor when he died, but modern scholars suggest that his death occured in about 412/1021. And judging from the quality and quantity of his works it appears that he spent a long life in the fields of learning which suggests that he may have been born during the first half of the 4th/10th century.

His name al-Kirmani indicates that he was a native of the city of Kirman in Persia, but whether he was born there or whether he was a Persian by race is not certain.

The second half of the 4th/10th century witnessed the most serious conflict between the two Caliphates of Islam, the Fatimid and the Abbasid. The Fatimids moved from North Africa conquering Egypt and advancing towards Baghdad. The Abbasids mobilised their powers to defend their Empire. Both sides, however, failed to achieve their aims by means of military force and entered a period of cold war where propaganda was the major weapon.Ali-Kirmani was the Da'i whom the Fatimid Imam chose to infiltrate the Abbasid Caliphate and built, by means of propaganda, a popular ground which would help to establish the Fatimid suzerainty in the Eastern parts of the Muslim Land.

The mission of al-Kirmani was, of course, a secret one and his activities were only known to his Imam and the chief leaders of the Fatimid Da'wa. This explains why, despite the fact that he was the most distinguished Da'i of his time, chroniclers and classical historians of Islam mentioned very little about him.

Al-Kirmani's activities proved successful as during the year of 380/990, his mission was able to gain the support of the 'Uqayti Prince of Musul who was known as al-Musayyib. He openly declared his loyalty to Imam Caliph al-'Aziz and acknowledged the Fatimid Caliphate throughout his Emirate. In the year 391/100 the af-Sabi (a chronicler of the Abbasid court) reports that the 'Uqayti Prince ai-Muqallad (brother and successor of al-Musayyib) was planning to take over power in Baghdad and overthrow the Abbasid Caliph. In 401/1010 Qirwasu son of ai-Muqallad, chief of 'Uqayl tribe and the governor of Musul, Mada'in, Anbar and Kufa acknowledged the Fatimid Caliphate instead of the Abbasid. He read the Khutba in the name of al-Hakim-bi Amr Allah, the Fatimid Imam Caliph and struck his name on coinage and flags throughout his principality. Also in the same year 'Ali al-Asade, chief of the tribe of Banu Asad declared his loyalty to al-Hakim in Hilla and the districts under his rule. Even in Baghdad itself popular support for the Fatimid (Imam) was achieved. The Shia of Iraq, even those of the tweiver group lthna 'Ashariyya) began to look at al-Hakim as their desired Caliph. In 398/1007 and during a quarrel with Sunnis, they shouted slogans for al-Hakim (Ya Hakim Ya Mansur).

Soon the activities of Kirmani were more needed in Cairo the centre of the Fatimid Caliphate where dangerous developments were taking place inside the circles of the Da'wa threatening its fundamental principles. A group of Da'is were preaching that Imam al-Hakim was divine which was contrary to the official line of teaching instructed by Da'i al-Du'at Khatigin and supervised by the Imam himself. al-Kirmani was summoned by al-Hakim to aid Khatigin in an attempt to halt the spread of extremism amongst the Da'is in Egypt. The time of his arrival into Cairo is not known but it appears more likely that it was in about 400/1009. In Egypt Kirmani wrote a number of Risalas in which he explained the fundamental principles of the Ismaili Da'wa and particularly the position of Imama and its relations to divinity. In one of his Risalas known as Mabasim al-Bisharat, he emphasised that al-Hakim like any previous Imam was divinely appointed and guided but not of himself divine. Perhaps the most interesting and important of his Riasalas on this issue is al-Risala al-wa'za (the Message of advice) which he wrote in a reply to Questions put to him by al-Akhram (one of the extremists). It confirms that Kirmani, together with other official leaders, was trying to persuade the Ghulat (extremists) to abandon extremism and rejoin the true teachings of lsmailism.

His campaign, although worked successfully and influenced many Da'is to rejoin the official line of teaching, did not prevent the leaders of the Ghulat from separating themselves from the Da'wa and creating a new sect in Islam which became known as the Druzes.

The fame of Kirmani does not stem only from being the most important Da'i of his time but also from being one of the most distinguished philosophers of the lsmaili Da'wa. His philosophy is well known for its new ideas, logical discussions and scientific analysis. His knowledge was very wide and seems to have covered all fields of learning and currents of thoughts at his time. No wonder he is highly praised by later Da'is and writers. Da'i ldris for example speaks of him as the foundation of the Da'wa by whom problems were solved and difficulties overcome. Nur-al-Din Ahmad says: "Had the lsmaili Da'wa produced no philosopher except Kirmani that would have been enough honour for us." (3).

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His Works

1. Rahat al-Aql, 2. al-Masabih fi lthbat al-Imama

3. Ma'asim al-Huda wa al-isaba fi Tafdil Ali Ala al-Sahaba

4. Tanbih al-Hadi wa al-Mustahdi

5. al-Aqwal al-Dahabiyya

6. Ma'atim al-Din

7. al-Riyad

8. Fasi al-Khitab

9. A collection of 11 Risalas

10 al-Risala alDurriya.

11. Risalat al-Nazm

12. al-Risala al-Radiya

13. al-Mudia

14. al-Lazima

15. al-Rawda fi al-Azal

16. al-Zahira

17. al-Hawiya

18. Mabasim al-Bisharat

19. al-Wa'iza

20. al-Kafiya

21. Khaza'in al-Adilia

22. al-Fihrist

23. al-Ma'ad

24. al-Maqadir wa al-Hada'iq.

25. Taj a]-Uqui

26. Maydan al-Aql

27. Alim al-Din

28. al-Layliyya

29. al-Nafdh wa al-lizam

30. lklil al-Nafs

31. al-Maqayis

32. al-Majaiis al-baghdadiya wa al-Basriyya

33. al-Shi'ra

34. al-Ta'wa Lyyia

35. al - Mufawaz

36. al-Ma'arii.

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Notes.

1. See, W. lvanow, Ismaili literature, Tehran, 1963, P. 40 i. M. Ghalib, A'Iam al-lsmailiyya, Beirut, 1964, p. 99.

2. for information on these historical events see: lbn al-Sabi' in Dh ayi Tajarub al-Umam, ed. H.F. Amedros and D. S. Maragolionth, Oxford, 1921 390; lbn al-Jawzi, al-Muntazam. Hyderabad, 1940, Vil, 237, Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil, Cairo, 1301 A.H., Xi, 339. lbn Khallikan, Wafayat al-A'yan, English translation, Paris, 1842, Ill 525; af-Dhahabi, Tarikh al-lslam Ms. B.M. anno, 390; al-Safadi, al-Wafi bi al-Wafayat Ms. B.M. fal, 101-; lbn Tiqhri Bardi, al-Najum alZahira Cairo 1929, IV, 224: at-Nuwayri, Nihayat al-Arab, Ms. Dar al-Kutub, Cairo, fol, 56; al-Ya fi'i, Mirat al-Jinan, Hyderabad, 1337 A.H, ]if 494.

3. See Quatations from 'Uyun al-Akhbar of Da'i ldris and Sharh al-Akbar of Da'i Nur al-Din in Kitab al-Riyad of al-Kirmani ed. by A. Tamir, Beirut 1960, p. 16.

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By:

Dr. S. 1. Assaad. Beirut (Lebanon)

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Jawhar's career is rather straightforward and great, in the sense that he was the first and the last great generals (Qaid) of the Fatimids, who had made so many conquests and had established the empire, not only in the North Western countries but also in Egypt and Syria. His initiative for the cause of the Fatimids is remarkable. Most of the things that he did, have survived till today. In the following pages we shall see the love and devotion of Qaid Jawhar for his master and Caliph al-Mui'zz li-din-'Allah. He had remained faithful to the Shia Fatimid cause till his death. It is rather difficult to know in detail, the society, of the Fatimids in those days, nevertheless it seems, Jawhar must have been accepted in the multi-society of the middle ages, for he had succeeded in proclaiming and establishing the Shiite cause as far in Egypt and Syria.

Since the year 296 A.H. (909). the Shia Fatimids had succeeded in establishing in Tunis a major Shiite Caliphate of Islam. Da'i Abu Abdullah Shi'i had defeated the then Aghlabid, ruler of Maghrib (North Western Africa) and had proclaimed lmam AI-Mahdi as the first Shiite Caliph of Islam. On Tunisian Coast the Caliph ai-Mahdi had founded his new capital after his name, called al-Mahdiyah near Qayrawan and from here he and his successor had ruled Maghrib and many islands of the Mediterranean sea. The lsmailis had also built a strong fleet and had invaded Spain and Sardinia. After the accession of the 4th Fatimid Caliph lmam al-Mu'izz in 341 A. H., Jawhar was entrusted with the invasions of all lands as far as Atlantic. The following pages will investigate the career of this illustrious Qaid of the Fatimids.

Qaid Jawhar from Birth to the Court.

Most historians remember Jawhar by the name of Jawhar-as-Siqilli, tracing his origin from his country of birth, Sicily in Italy. The Fatimid Caliph lmam al-Mu'izz had given him a Kuniyah of 'Abul Hussain'. Abul Hussain Jawhar bin Abdullah, also called al-Katib, a secretary, also known as a Qaid, was the general of Fatimid forces.

It is pity that history has not preserved for us such records which could provide details of his origin, birth and life of his parents etc. He was probably born between the years 298-300 A.H. in Sicily, which was then an Island of Byzantines. Jawhar was a European mamluk (of Greek origin, Arab historians called these Western Byzantines as Rumis) in the sense he was brought as a slave to Qayrwan, the then capital of the Fatimids in the North Western Africa. It could not be established whether Jawhar was a born Muslim or was later converted. Probably it is true that he was connected with a Muslim family, since Islam had reached Sicily in 212 A.H. Moreover, as mentioned, Jawhar's father's name is given Abdullah and it is quite possible that Jawhar was converted to Islam with his father and that he must have had an Islamic upbringing. Historians are unaware of his ancestors. The reason is this, that Jawhar was connected with a group of Mowlas (Non-Arabs) who were brought to Africa. Generally Mowlas in those days, were not supposed to trace their origin with their unislamic names.

The advent of Islam in Sicily and Jawhar's arrival at the court of the Fatimid Caliphs in Africa, show a discrepancy of over a 100 years. Here it is necessary to give a short sketch of Sicily, the country of his birth, for the surroundings and the environment always influence a person's life and ideas.

The Muslims had made some sporadic attempts to conquer Sicily much earlier than the year 212 A.H. However, during the reign of the Abbasid Caliph Mamun ar-Rashid ( 198-218), the final conquest of Sicily was achieved in 212. With the conquest, it seems, the majority of its population had accepted Islam and many mosques and madrasas were introduced there. Arabic language had also found a flourishing ground there. However, when Sicily was taken away from Arabs by Normans sometime in 460 H, the Norman ruler Roger 11 had continued to follow the ideals of Arab Cavalry, the Arab administrative system etc. There are many Arabic words found in the Italian language. Hitherto combined Arab-Norman culture had surpassed that of Europe.

The point is that, this flourishing Islamic-Christian culture of Sicily must have effected Jawhar's outlook and mentality. He must have reached his youth with rich upbringing and might have imbibed in himself both civilizations. For his later political insight and his military genius reflect his early acquisitions. His background had received great momentum under the Fatimid Society. The Fatimid Caliph ai-Mu'izz-li-din 'Allah knew many languages, including Greek and Sicilian.

In 296 A.H.. when the Fatimid Caliphate was established in North Western Africa, a number of Sicilians had taken shelter there and from time to time had continued to join the Fatimid forces. During the reign of the 3rd Fatimid Caliph al-Mansur (334-41 A.H), Abul Hussain Jawhar was presented as a slave to the Caliph. It is difficult to determine the year of his arrival in Africa. However, he was made as a personal attendant to the Caliph al-Mansur. After receiving his freedom from his son and successor al-Mu'izz, Jawhar soon rose to prominence. In the year 341 A.H. (932 C.E.) the Caliph al-Mu'izz had appointed him as his katib, the secretary, and from that time onwards, Jawhar was known as 'Jawhar al-katib'. The year 341 A.H. is the year of accession of al~Mu'izz of Fatimid caliphate. It goes to prove that al-Mu'izz had recognised Jawhar's genius, a long time before assuming power. In those days, the post of al-katib was only given to an intelligent and trustworthy person, moreover, this was generally a beginning, from where they rose to higher ranks. It seems al~Mu'izz had found some hidden military qualities in his Katib, that by 347 H. he had raised him to rank of a Vazir and a Commander-in-Chief of his forces. This is not surprising, for Jawhar was a very great katib. We can estimate him from the terms of the treaty which he had offered to the people of Egypt at the time of the conquest. These terms show his originality of style and his sagacity which we shall quote later. However, most historians have mentioned his devotion and love of his master al-Mu'izz, to be instrumental for his achievements.

The Conquests of Jawhar in North Western Africa.

lbn-e-Khallikan writes that al-Mu'izz had sent Jawhar to conquer the remaining provinces in Western Africa in 347 A.H. So Jawhar had started with a large force and in his army there were many inhabitants of the Western provinces (called Maghrib). Soon Jawhar had directed himself towards the provinces of Taharat and Fas which he conquered after fierce fighting. He then, had moved toward Sijilmasa, where a certain person had adopted a title of Shakir Billah and had asked the people to address him as Amir-al-Mominin. However, when this Amir ai-Mominin Shakir Billah had learned about Jawhar's arrival, he had disappeared from the battlefield. Jawhar had followed him and had imprisoned him. Then Jawhar with his forces had advanced towards the far west and had continued conquering one city after another till he had reached the Atlantic Ocean. Here he wanted his master al-Mu'izz to know where his forces had reached. Jawhar had ordered some fish to be put in a pot with water, to be sent to al-Mu'izz, to let him know that whichever cities and countries he had crossed, he had conquered them and that he had reached as far as the ocean.

Having taken these cities, he had stayed in Maghrib to establish the Fatimid authority there and had chastised the disobedient and had subdued all the countries of Maghrib. There remained not a spot in all those regions wherein, the sovereignty of al-Mu 'izz had not been proclaimed. In every one of them, the Friday Prayer was offered up in his name by the congregation and thus he had accomplished the conquests that were begun by Da'i Abu Abdullah as-Shi'i (the founder of the Fatimid Caliphate in Maghrib, particularly in Mahdiya and Qayrawan in 291 A.H./896 C.E.) It is, therefore, obvious that Jawhar's status was raised before al-Mu'izz and he was made Commander General of the Fatimid forces and was hereafter called 'al-Qaid'. In the year 358 A.H. the Caliph al-Mu'izz decided to invade Egypt, so he entrusted the responsibility to his Qaid Jawhar after his return from the Western countries.

The Caliph ai-Mu'izz had made preparations to invade Egypt, long since the year 356 A.H. that is two years before the departure of Jawhar for Egypt. During this period, al-Mu'izz had systematically planned the road which Jawhar was to take There on the road he had ordered wells to be dug at various halting places, where resthouses were also built. The money was collected for the expenses of the war. It is said that the army which was formed, included one lakh swordsmen, who belonged to Banu Katama tribe of Maghrib. Mu'izz had showered gifts and honours on their officers also. There were upwards of one hundred thousand horse-men and more than twelve hundred chests of money to be sent there.

It so happened that amidst these preparations for the march, Qaid Jawhar fell dangerously ill that no hopes were entertained of his recovery. When al Mu'izz had heard of his illness he was very sad and he himself had gone to visit him. This was a great honour which could be bestowed on very few near and dear ones only. Mu'izz's heart was obviously repeating that Egypt could only be conquered by Jawhar. After his visit, al Mu'izz had declared, that Jawhar would survive to conquer Egypt. This prophecy had turned out to be true word by word. During his convalescence, the necessary supplies of money, arms and men were furnished. He was visited almost everyday by al-Mu'izz who conversed with him in private and gave him directions regarding the actual conquests. Finally he had received orders to set out for Egypt.

The departure of Qaid Jawhar for Egypt.

When Jawhar had completely recovered from his illness, al-Mu'izz had ordered for the departure. Before the departure, all his forces were collected at one place, where at-Mu'izz had delivered a Khutba to the Shaykhs of Katama and other tribes. The extracts of which are quoted here. al-Mu'izz is reported to have said:

"We are in need of your bodies and minds. Be it known to you that if you act on what we say, we can hope that God will ease our attack of the Eastern countries, (i.e. Egypt) as he did of the Western parts (Maghrib) with your co-operation" (see Maqrizi itiaz).

"By God, if Jawhar went alone to conquer Egypt, he will be able to take hold of it and alone indeed (Jawhar) you will enter ruins of lbn Tulun and found such a city which could overpower (taqhar) all the cities of the world."

After the Khutba, Mu'izz had formally ordered Jawhar to set out for Raqadah. The Caliph had come as far there to bid Jawhar adieu. There the Caliph had ordered his prince to dismount and give Jawhar the salutation of departure, this had obliged the great officers of the kingdom to dismount also. Then Jawhar kissed the hand of al-Mu'izz and the hoof of his horse; and having mounted on his horse by the order of his master, he put the army in march. When al-Mu'izz returned to his palace, he sent to Jawhar, as a present, all the clothes which he had on, retaining only his drawers and seal ring.

On the 14th of the first Rabi 358 H. Feb., 969 C.E., Qaid Jawhar left for Egypt. lbn-e-Hani Andalusi, the poet of the Fatimids, had to say the following in his long Qasida which he had composed. He himself had seen the marching of the forces, in this way:-

"I saw with my own eyes more than what I had heard about. And what a day it was, that it was more dreadful and astonishing than the day of the resurrection. On the morning of that day, there appeared one garrison on the other, (due to marching of forces) which had hidden the sun rising at the time of its rising."

The condition of Egypt before the Conquest.

Egypt was under the rule of the lkhshids before the advent of Fatimids. The lkhshids had ruled from 323-358 A.H. and in 358 A.H.. the illustrious Jawhar had conquered Egypt and the other attached countries to the lkhshids dominion.

Muhammad lbn Tughj had founded the rule of the lkhshids in Egypt, after defeating the Tulunid dynasty. During Muhammad's rule, there was peace and prosperity prevailing in Egypt. Egypt was then nominally under the Abbasid supremacy. A number of times, the earlier Fatimid rulers of Maghrib had sent their forces to attack Egypt but the lkhshids had repulsed successfully. However. the Fatimids had also sent their Da'is to propagate Shiism in Egypt, which was welcomed by the lkhshids. After some time, the lkhshids had grown dissatisfied with the Abbasid over lordship and had changed to the Fatimid suzerainity by inserting the name of the Fatimid Caliph in their Friday Khutba. Moreover, the Abbasid Cali'phate was then growing weak in its control of distant territories.

In 334 A.H., Abul Misk Kafur, an Abbyssinian eunuch, bought earlier by Muhammad lkhshid, became protector of the minor lkhshid rulers Abu Qasim and Ali who succeeded their father. Kafur, gradually became the virtual ruler of the dynasty. Soon, the Abbasid Caliphs had recognised him as the ruler of Egypt, Syria and al Hijaz (Mecca and Madina) and he had reverted to the Abbasid Khutba also. All the same, Kafur had grown popular in Egypt. Unfortunately in the year 351 A.H., the river Nile had scarcity of water, which had resulted in a famine and pestilence there. Besides. Egypt had fallen into soaring prices and poor conditions. Moreover, the Qarmatians and Nabiyuns had invaded Kafur's territory, in which he had been unsuccessful in defending. There had grown much disorder and anarchy and the army had become dissatisfied. In 357 A. H., Kafur had died and was succeeded by a 12 years old Abul Fawaris Ahmed al-ikhshid. Under his rule, there had started an enmity between the Vazir Abu Ja'far In Furat and Yaqub ibn Killis, the treasurer of Egypt. In this dispute, Shariff Muslim, a great grandson of Hazrat lmam Hussain, who was living there in Egypt, had intervened in the dispute and thereby, Yaqub was released from the imprisonment of ibn-Furat. Yaqub had gone to al-Mu'izz and had informed him of the internal conditions of Egypt and requested al- Mu'izz that it was the right time to invade Egypt. Moreover, the Shia population of Egypt had also invited al-Mu'izz to rescue them.

The Earlier Fatimid Invasions of Egypt.

The Fatimid Caliphs had established themselves in the North Western Africa (al Maghrib) in the year 296 H. From the very beginning they had been anxious to extend their boundaries towards Egypt, Syria and al-Hijaz. The riches of Egypt had always attracted many predatory invaders, but the Fatimids had found these Eastern lands, a fruitful place for their Shiite propaganda. The first Fatimid Caliph Ubaidullah al-Mahdi (297-322 A.H.) had invaded Egypt thrice, that in the years 301 A.H.. 307 A.H., 309 A.H., 321 ,A.H. This last invasion had continued until the beginning of the reign of his successor al-Qaim ibn al-Mahdi (322-334 A.H.) The caliph Qaim's rule was almost parallelled to that of the Abbasid ruler al Mansur (324 - 334 A.H.). However, Qaim's reign was engaged in putting off the rebellion of Abu - Yazid in the Western Africa. This rebellion had continued in the reign of the 3rd Fatimid Caliph al Mansur bin al-Qaim (334-341 A.H.) In the year 355 A.H., the fourth Fatimid Caliph al-Mu'izz (341-365 A.H.) had sent his forces to attack Egypt. His forces had reached Wahat but Kafur Ikhshid had defended his country strongly and did not allow the Fatimid forces to enter Egypt. All these four invasions so far had proved unsuccessful, for Egypt at that time was strong enough to defend itself.

As we have already mentioned, by 357 A.H., the conditions of Egypt had changed completely. Besides. the Caliph al-Mu'izz was determined to conquer Egypt. He had a complete trust in the strength of Jawhar alone and of course he had made careful preparations personally to conquer Egypt, which was accomplished by Jawhar as-Siqilli.

The Conquest of Egypt.

With all his forces, Jawhar had set out for Barqah. The Caliph al-Mu'izz had written orders to his slave Aflah, the Governor of Barqah, that he should set out to meet Jawhar and kiss his hand. Aflah had offered one hundred thousand dinars to avoid performing that ceremony, but he was obliged to submit. Then Jawhar had directed his army towards Alexandria. , He had conquered it without much opposition. After entering the city, Jawhar had ordered his soldiers not to confront the citizens and checked them from creating clamour and devastation which is generally the habit of the conquering forces. Jawhar had given gifts and honours to his soldiers to make them indifferent to loots and war booties.

When the people of Fustat had learned the news of the fall of the Alexandria, a great agitation was caused by the news, and it was agreed, that the Vazir ibn al Furat should write to Jawhar to obtain peace and security for the lives and property of the inhabitants. They had also requested Shariff Muslim al-Hussaini to be their Ambassador and had obtained his consent, provided a number of citizens in a form of a Wafad (Group) should accompany him to see Jawhar. The Vazir had furnished them his conditions in writing for the truce and on Monday, 18th Rajab 358 A.H. (June 969 C.E.) the Wafad had set out to meet Jawhar, who had halted at a village called Taruja, near Alexandria. Wnen Shariff Muslim ' and his companions had arrived, they delivered their message to Jawhar, who had granted immediately, every demand and had confirmed his promise by a written treaty. The terms of the treaty are the original writings of Qaid Jawhar, which. reflect his sagacity and statesmanship. The treaty document which also has an historical significance, is partly translated here from ai-Maqrizi's description.

The Treaty:

"I begin in the name of God, the merciful and kind. This document is from Jawhar al Katib - the Servant of Amir al-Mominin al-Mu'izz li-din-A'Ilah to the people of Egypt and its residents. Be it known that the advocates whom you had deputed to discuss with me the terms, have arrived. These gentlemen have informed that you citizens have demanded a peace treaty regarding your lives and property. In this connection, I have informed them of the orders of Amir al-Mominin, which he had issued. I have also informed them about my master Amir-ai-Mominin's kindness on your conditions. So be prayerful to God for His kindness and thank Him for his assistance and succour whatever is binding on you, be always firm in it and try to proceed with the obedience of Amir-al-Mominin and in this lies your safety, peace and pleasure. Be it known also that the Amir al-Mominin has sent his conquering forces to help you and defend you, for you had been, so far, tortured and subdued by the enemy who had only wanted to overpower you of your treasures and pleasures, and deprive you of your independence and, imprison you (Byzantines and the Qarmatians had tried to do so). Hence Amir al-Mominin has sent his conquering forces to defend you against this tyranny and help all those who cry for help and that person who has grieved to know this, had often shed tears and spent sleepless nights over your miseries, is my master Amir al-Mominin.

Qaid Jawhar magnanimously obliged the wafad of Fustat and granted them all that they had asked for. But when Jawhar's forces reached Fustat on the 17th Shaban 358 A.H. i.e. 6th of July 969 C.E., some citizens resisted. In the ensuing skirmish the Egyptians were totally defeated. Nevertheless Jawhar granted them a complete amnesty. Then the victorious Fatimid army, presenting a magnificent spectacle with its drums and banners, entered Fustat in accordance with the Caliph's prediction.

Qaid Jawhar did not quarter his troops in the crowded parts of the city. Instead he occupied the great plain to the north of Fustat. Here on the 6th of July,; 969 he drew the lines of the new city and on the very same night laid the foundation of the city of 'AI-Qahirah at-Mu'izziyah' (the conquering city of al-Mu'izz). Eventually it was abbreviated to al-Qahirah, which remains its name today. Europeans refer to it as 'le Caire', English speaking people as Cairo.

Jawhar had then ordered that the prayers for the Fatimids should be introduced in all the mosques of Misr and the name of the Fatimid Caliph at-Mu'izz was introduced in Khutbah.

Soon Jawhar, had written a despatch to his master al-Mu'izz, informing him of the conquest of Egypt. In this way, the power of lkhshids and the Abbasids had ended in Egypt. The occupation of Egypt was the first step of the Fatimids to spread their influence and power in Syria, Palestine and al-Hijaz. Regarding the foundation of the capital city of ai-Qahirah, we shall speak separately.

As we have mentioned that Syria was then under the lkhshid rulers. So Jawhar, soon after conquering Egypt, had sent some of his forces to conquer Syria in 358 A.H. Within a short-time this territory was brought under the control of the Fatimids but chaos and disquietedness had spread immediately. Taking the advantage of the situation, Oarmatians had attacked the country and murdered Fatimid soldiers and occupied the territory. Later on, Oarmatians from their base of Syria had attacked Misr in 361 A.H., but by then, Jawhar was able to defend his country and had warded off their attacks. After sometime Syria was brought under Fatimid control successfully.

Jawhar's Administration of Egypt.

After the conquest of Egypt, Jawhar had continued to superintend the affairs of the country for nearly 4 years, till the Caliph ai-Mu'izz had arrived in Egypt. During this period, Jawhar had definite policies which he had introduced. As we know, at the time of the conquest, many of the important posts in Government, were in the hands of Sunnis and Egyptians. Jawhar had tried to retain the old order to keep the work going. He had confirmed Ja'far ibn Furat on his post of the Vazir of Egypt. Even the Qadi of Egypt was allowed to retain his post. However, with his plans he had also appointed in every department some slkilled persons from among the Maghribis so that they could get familiar with the office work as well as to help defend his cause of the Shia religious propaganda. He had replaced Shia khutbah reciters in the mosques and had also appointed a Shia Qadi to prosecute Shia Law. The charge of Bait ul mal was given to a Shia. He himself used to hold court on every Sunday for the hearing of grievances of the people at which Ulemas, Qadis and a number of great doctors were invited whilst he himself gave judgements

At the time of the conquest, as we know, Egypt was passing through a period of famine and pestilence. Jawhar had taken precautions to check it. His master al-Mu'izz had sent provisions of grain and treasures to be given to the people. Jawhar, in order to administer, had introduced a Muhtasib System, that is, appointing a superintendent of weights to measure food provisions and to check the hoarding of the provision. It was included in the Muhtasib's responsibilities to keep an eye on the market rates, to bring about a balance in prices, check adulteration of food etc. This Muhtasib had a special place to sit in the market and listen complaints and investigate their wrongs. Later on police corps were kept under his control, to assist him to carry out his reforms.

He had introduced various agricultural methods, whereby people were encouraged to cultivate crops. He had also revalued the lands and had appointed the amils to collect taxes. The amounts of taxes had risen considerable and by the time Mu'izz had arrived in Egypt, the conditions had improved much.

THE CONSTRUCTIONS OF JAWHAR IN EGYPT

The Foundations of the city of al-Qahirah al-Mu'izziya

The Muslim conquerors of Egypt had always considered it important after the conquest to construct their own capital city, a mosque etc. Before Jawhar, as we know, the city of Fustat (means camps) was founded by the first Muslim conqueror Umar-lbn al-A'as in 20 A.H. (640 C.E.) He had then built a mosque named Jamia Umrao, which survives even to-day. Asakar and Qattaa were two other cities which were founded later there on similar lines by other Muslim conquerors of Egypt. On 17th of Shaban 358 A.H., Jawhar as-Siqilli had entered Fustat and on its north side had encamped his forces and on the same night, he is reported to have laid the foundation stone of the capital city of al-Qahirah. Later he had also laid the foundation of a mosque Jamia Azhar, and a castle for his master al-Mu'izz. He had also planned a police quarter in the city and the quarters for his mighribi forces.

Regarding the foundation of the city and its name, there are various opinions given by different historians. Some are of the opinion that al-Mu'izz had planned the city before Jawhar's departure and had selected its name as expressed in his Khutbah at the time of Jawhar's departure for Egypt, for the word Qahirah means "One that overpowers"

The other opinion is that al-Mu'izz himself was interested in astronomy and that after coming to Egypt had consulted the particular hour of the foundation and had named it accordingly, for at the hour of the foundation the planet Mars was in the skies. Mars in Arabic is called al Qahirah.

And yet more, the most famous story, which is given by al-Maqrizi is that, Jawhar after reaching Fustat had given orders for a new city to be planned. That a suitable area had been marked off and all the more distant parts of it were connected with a bellpull, so that at the given moment at a sign from the astrologers work might begin everywhere at the same instant. The bell-rope was, however, pulled before the auspicious moment by a raven and the building began at a moment when the planet Mars, the Qahir al-Falak, governed the heavens. The same historian, however, while continuing his above story of the astrologers and the diggers does so in such a way that one is led to believe that the name of 'al-Qahirah' was actually given at the founding of the city. However, fact is that the city was named Mansuriya till The Caliph Al-Muizz himself had come to Egypt and then it was called Al-Qahira al-Muizziya. During the days of Qaid Jawhar, Qahirah was founded a rectangular plan. Its width was about 1200 metres and was spread on 340 miles acres of land, out of which 70 acres were occupied by the big palace. A largo area was kept as gardens and parks. Abol-ti 200 acres were distributed among army people and quarters for the maghribi forces.

Al-Qahirah was surrounded by a strong wall on all sides. Jawhar had constructed strong iron-gates, which had helped him to protect his city against the Oarmatian invasions. In its north was the gate of Nasr, in its south was the gate of Zwelia, on its east was the gate of Barqiya and the gate of Mahruq and on its west were the gates of Saadat, Faraj and Khokhal.

The population of the city was all mixed, but within 20 years time, it became all Shia. In fact the population had increased later on and many beautiful houses were built. When Sayydna Nasir Khursaw, an lsmaili Missionary had visited Cairo in 439 A.H. 1047, he had seen many storeyed buildings, shops, madrisas, taam khanas (sort of Restaurants), Hammams etc.

Qasaral-Mu'izziya, The Castle

On 18th Shaban 358 A.H. Jawhar had laid the foundation of the palace which he had constructed for his master. This castle like palace was constructed in an open space with the boundary wall and was on the Eastern side of the city. It was a spacious castle with many thousand rooms with golden doors. In front of the palace, there was a Sahan, an open space, where his forces used to parade on ceremonious days. From the palace, the view of,the city and its inhabitants were visible. There were gates from which the Caliph could easily teach his people. There was a family graveyard in the Sahan, where al-Mu'izz had buried the corpses of his forefathers which he had brought with himself from Qayarwan. In the palace, there were rooms with all the records of the government and also the stores of the arms, ammunition and treasures. Later on, some addition and changes were made in the castle. However, today this is all in ruins.

Jamia Azhar Mosque

In Egypt, there were mosques built by earlier Islamic rulers. such as Jamia Umarao, Jamia Asscar and Jamia Tulun. But Jawhar, soon after his conquest had felt the need of building a Shia Mosque which should be a central mosque of Egypt. So in 359 A.H. he had begun the construction of Jamia Azhar in his new citadel, which was completed in nearly 2 years and on 7th of Ramadhan, 361 A.H. (22nd June, 972 C.E.) this mosque was consecrated and opened for services. It was situated not far from the "Great Castle." Several other Fatimid rulers built additions to the mosque and endowed it with grants and foundations. The Caliph al-Aziz (365-386 A.H.) for example, made it an academy and erected an armshouse in it for 35 students.

Its name may be explained from the Fatimid origin, al-Zahra-being a title of Fatima, the daugh I ter of the Holy Prophet. Jamia Azhar was divided into two parts, one was fenced and part two was not fenced. The fenced part was called Maqsurah. It had 76 pillars of marble which faced each other. Other pillars were added later on. The roof was a made of strong wood. The unfenced plain was quite spacious and was used for prayers when a large number attended the prayers. All around this Sahan, there were rooms attached where students were given lessons.

Jawhar had constructed one Mahrab in the mosque. Later on 9 more Mahrabs were added. In the mosque there was a wooden pulpit from where the Fatimid Khutbah was recited. At the time of the construction there was only one minaret, later on 5 more were added, from where Azan was recited five times everyday. The timings of the prayer were observed from a sun dial from one of the walls of Sahan, which exists today.

In all other mosques of Egypt. the timings of a]-Azhar were followed. Caliph Mu'izz, after his arrival, used to recite Friday prayers there with all his retinue and forces. This tradition was followed by all other, Fatimid rulers. Later on when the Sunnis had conquered Egypt, al-Azhar had remained as a centre of prayers though paled a little. But it had always remained an educational institute of the middle ages. Today it is known as one of the oldest universities of the world. Its architecture depicts the Fatimid style of architecture of the time.

The Arrival of Mu'izz in Egypt

On 15th of Ramadhan 358 A.H. i.e. 2nd August 969 C.E.. al-Mu'izz had received the intelligence of the conquest of Egypt by his troops. Later on he had received dispatches from Jawhar containing an account of the conquest. After consolidating the empire, Jawhar had written repeatedly to his master requesting him, in the most earnest way, to come to Egypt. He had also informed that Egypt and Syria were brought into perfect order and that the Khutbah was offered up in his name throughout all those countries. This news had given al-Mu'izz the utmost satisfaction and after appointing Balkeen ibn Ziri ibn Menad as his lieutenant governor in lfrikiya. he had set out for Egypt. He had taken with him an immense sum of money and a number of very influential and powerful chiefs. He had with him Yaqub ibn Killis and Aslooj ibn Hasan. He had also his sons and relatives with him besides the coffins of his ancestors.

He had started from his capital city of lfrikiya on Monday, the 21st of Shawal 361. A.H. 5th August, 972 C.E. and had proceeded to Sardinia near Qayarwan. Here he had stopped for a while, in order to rally his followers, officers and all those who wanted to accompany him.

He then, had departed on Thursday, the 5th of Safar 362 A.H. 15th November, 972 C.E., and had continued his march, halting at certain places for a few days, and at other times, proceeding with great speed. On his way, he had passed through the island of Sardinia where he had stayed for a week. and then went to Barqah and had entered Alexandria on Saturday, the 23rd Shabban of the same year i.e. 29th May, 973 C.E.

Here in Alexandria, Abu Tahir, the Qadi of Fustat accompanied by the chief men of the country had come to welcome al-Mu'izz on his arrival there. After reaching Alexandria, Mu'izz had rested for a while and had received all those who had come to pay homage to him. He then had addressed a long Khutbah in which he had said that the purpose of his conquering Egypt was not of augmenting his dominions and his wealth, but it was of maintaining the true faith, protecting pilgrims and making war against the infidels. He had declared his resolution to dedicate his life in the exercise of good works and to act in conformity with the orders he had received from his ancestor, the holy prophet Muhammad. He then preached to them in a manner which drew tears from some of those who were present. After this he had arrayed the Qadi and other persons of the assembly in robes of honour and gave to each of them a horse (or a mule), as a present.

Towards the end of the month of Shabban, he had left Alexandria and on Saturday, the 2nd of Ramadhan (6th June 973 C.E.) he had stopped at Mina, which is the Wharf of Egypt opposite Giza, Qaid Jawhar went forth to meet his master and on drawing near him, dismounted from his horse and had kissed the ground before him. The Vazir Abu Ja'far ibn al-Furat, had also come to receive him. al-Mu'izz had stopped here for 3 days. During that time, the army had prepared for crossing the river to the wharf of Egypt, with their luggage.

Al-Mu'izz had crossed the Nile on Tuesday, the 5th of Ramadhan, or by other account on the 7th of Ramadhan 362 A.H. and had proceeded to al-Qahirah without entering Fustat (old Cairo), although the inhabitants had adorned the streets of the city, thinking he would visit it. On his arrival in the city, he went to the castle and entered a hall of audience where he fell prostrate in adoration of almighty God. He then said his namaz with two rakats and all those who were with him had followed the prayers.

The Darbar in al-Qahirah

Soon, all the citizens had gathered there in the great castle to pay their allegiance to the caliph. During this audience, Jawhar had remained on the right side of the Caliph. and had presented each and every Kabila for their allegiance. al-Mu'izz was seated on his golden throne and had received all the nobles, Qadis, Vazirs and Ulemas of his city. They all had presented Mu'izz with their gifts. Shariff Abu Ja'far Muslim had presented 11 baskets filled with many beautiful things. He had a robe made especially for the Caliph, from a particular yarn that only grew in Tunnis. This material had a special shine and was gilded with gold and silver. He had also presented a Turban of similar material and had requested the Caliph to put on the robe and the Turban, which he had done.

Jawhar, in his turn, had presented the best breed of 150 horses gilded with saddles and bridles of gold and diamonds. Many camels and ponies, saddled with precious stones boxes filled with all kinds of rare things of Egypt. Many swords studded with silver and golden caskets were presented. Then Mu'izz had given his lrshad and had released about 1000 of his prisoners and had presented robes and Khalat to all his nobles and officers. Mu'izz had then, bestowed Jawhar with a golden khalat and a turban and had tied a sword on his waist and had presented 20 horses with golden saddles, 50 thousand dinars and 2 lakhs of dirhams cash.

The Fatimid Da'wa in Egypt

As we know that, from the very beginning, the Fatimid Caliphs were trying to conquer Egypt. Although from military point of view their earlier invasion had remained unsuccessful, but their propaganda of the religion had found a flourishing ground. The population of Egypt, including- Kafur had always respected Ahle-Bait, the descendants of the holy prophet. ln fact, before the arrival of Qaid Jawhar in Egypt, there was a considerable number of Shia population in Egypt. The lsmaili Da'is had continued to propagate their mission among the Berbers and native Egyptians-coptics. Soon after the conquest of Egypt in 358 A.H., Jawhar had ordered that the Abbasid Khutbah to be discontinued and the Fatimid Khutbah introduced in all mosques. Besides he had coins inscribed with the name of al-Mu'izz, and had also discontinued the black colour of the Abbasids and had ordered white colour to be used. Jamia Umrao was painted inside in green colour and all mosques were made centres of Shiite preaching. The Shiite custom of reciting 5 Takbirs on the dead body was introduced. Jawhar had introduced a rank of Da'i ud-Du'at, the chief of the Da'is, with whose help he used to arrange for the propagation of the Fatimid religion. He had twelve Naqeeb (proclaimers) who used to assist him in the work. The Shia Islamic code was formed and the Jurists used to discuss details with Jawhar before promulgating the laws. Soon after his arrival, the Caliph lmam a]-Mu'izz took the charge of the government and appointed Jawhar as the head of the lsmaili Da'wa in Egypt. lmam treated Jawhar with great honour. Imam al-Mu'izz died on 15th Rabisani, 365 A.H. 20th December, 975 C.E. and was succeeded by his son Hazrat Imam al-Aziz bi'l-lah. Qaid Jawhar continued to serve his new master lmam al-Aziz.

Services of Jawhar under al-Aziz

During the reign of al-Aziz we find Jawhar is honoured again to the rank of the commander of the Fatimid forces. Soon after the death of al-Mu'izz. Syria had become a hot-bed of Oarmatians and Aftakin, a Turkish soldier. In 365 A.H., Aftakin had collected his forces and had joined with Hasan Qarmati and had occupied Syria.

Receiving this news, al-Aziz, had written a letter to Aftakin asking him to submit but the latter had replied that his sword would do the justice. Hence al-Aziz had called Jawhar in his court and had entrusted him with a large force to undertake the conquest of Syria. Soon Qaid Jawhar left with his forces and arrived in Ramia and had occupied it without any difficulty. Then he had directed himself towards Damascus. Meanwhile Hassan Qarmati and Aftakin had disappeared. Thus Jawhar had successfully occupied Damascus and had built a fortress and trenches to defend himself. However, after sometime Aftakin had reappeared with his enforcement and a fierce battle had followed in which Aftakin was defeated, and Jawhar retired towards Ascalan. Meanwhile Aftakin and Hassan Qarmati and other tribes had come out to give a battle to Jawhar. They arrived in Ascalan and had beseiged Jawhar from all sides. Considering the situation difficult Jawhar had entered into a treaty with Aftakin and had succeeded in gaining a guarantee of safe retreat. Whereupon Jawhar had gone to the Caliph al-Aziz in Egypt, who now undertook the direction of the operation in person in 368 A.H. Jawhar had commanded the advance guard in this campaign. A fierce battle had followed in which many were killed on both the sides.

At that time, the Fatimid forces had attacked the right wing of the Qarmatians; and Hassan and Aftakin were defeated badly. Hassan ran away but Aftakin was brought before aI-Aziz, who treated him very kindly and had taken him to Egypt, where he had bestowed a Khalat and other honours, Aftakin lived there till he died in 372 A.H.

Finally the power of Aftakin and Oarmatians was broken and Syria was brought under the control of the Fatimids which remained as a Fatimid territory for a long time.

In this encounter, Jawhar had commanded Aziz's forces. He had used his tactics to break the unity of Oarmatians with Aftakin and thereby had crushed them completely so that they never rose to power in Syria again, to disturb the Fatimid Caliphs.

The death of Jawahar and Conclusion

After coming back to Egypt, Jawhar retired to a very quiet life for he was then nearly 70 years old. He used to live in a small house and appeared less in the court. We hear no more of his military activities. He appeared to have passed the remainder of his life in comparative retirement, winning the esteem of the people by his liberality.

In the year 381 Jawhar had fallen ill. He was visited by the Caliph al-Aziz-bi'i-lah, who had sent a sum of 50 thousand dinars to him. However, he died on 20th of Zul Qada 381 A.H. 28th January, 922 C.E. The caliph's relatives had sent aromatics (used for embalming) and coffins etc, which was made of 70 threaded pieces of material. The Caliph al-Aziz himself had recited the Namaz-e-Janaza and he was buried in a big graveyard which is no more there. The tomb which survives to-day in the Northern part of al-Azhar University, is considered by many as Jawhar's tomb, but is in fact a grave of certain Turkish Mamluke by the name of Amir Jawhar Qanqabali. Jawhar as-Siqil li was over 80 years when he died. He had a son named Hussain, who was given a kuniyah of Abu Abdullah. He had inherited all those good qualities of his father, and was also called Qaid ibn Qaid. The Caliph al-Aziz had confered a Khalat to Hussain and had given him honour in his court.

In this way, Jawhar's great career came to an end. Jawhar was a great Katib, a well-experienced Qaid, a clever politician and a great administrator. With his death the greatest of the Fatimid General's life came to an end. It is said that there wasn't a poet at that time who would have composed verses to deplore his loss and celebrate his liberty Jawhar had founded the Fatimid Caliphate in Egypt. There he had constructed al-Qahirah and al-Azhar. This was all because his master al-Mu'izz had trusted him and had given him all honour that was due. Qarmatians had nearly destroyed the Fatimid Calipate but it was the sagacity and the war skill of Jawhar, which had given a death blow to them. In Egypt to-day, there are many relics which bring back the memories of this great Qaid. The city of Qahirah al-Mu'izziya known as Cairo and the Jamia Azhar have survived till to-day. The city of Cairo, in those days had surpassed Baghdad and Cordova (of Spain, where Umayyads had established their independent Caliphate). Cairo had also become an intellectual centre of those days. Jawhar had introduced many reforms in Egypt and had started the propagation of Shiite cause very systematically and had succeeded in formalizing the rising empire of the Fatimids. The terms of the treaty are the only surviving examples of his understanding and knowledge of the time. In the world there are very few like him.

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By:
Miss Zawahir Noorally. Karachi (Pakistan)