It is recounted that an Ismaili dai, Sayed Shah Zahur, the son of Sayed Karamali Shah visited Kirman from Yasin, and reported the Imam the services rendered by his father in Yasin and Punial. The Aga Khan I granted him a sealed letter, authorizing him to continue the mission after his father. Hence, he returned to Yasin, whose ruler was Mihtar Suleman Shah. With his untiring effort and efficiency, a large number of the people embraced Ismailism in Yasin and Punial. He was followed by his son, Sayed Bakir Shah during the rule of Gohar Aman (d. 1860), who was deadly against the Ismailis. His relation with Sayed Bakir Shah was also strained, therefore, the latter had to migrate Shagnan in 1829. Sayed Bakir Shah however continued his mission in Shagnan and Yarkand. Mir Shah, the ruler of Shagnan, however, stemmed his mission and killed him and his son, Sayed Karim Hyder, known as Sayed Shah Kalan. Both had been interred in Badakhshan.

The governors of Mahallat and Qumm were inimical to the family of Imam Khalilullah Ali because of the regular thronging of the Indian pilgrims at his residence. According to 'Ibrat-i Afza', an autobiography of Hasan Ali Shah, 'The fortunes of the family were at low ebb when Imam Shah Khalilullah was killed in Yazd.' Hence, Bibi Sarcar Mata Salamat came to the court at Tehran with his son to seek justice. Her pleadings were immediately successful. Shah Fateh Ali ordered his governor of Yazd, Haji Muhammad Zaman Khan to arrest Hussain Yazdi and his gang. Not content with this retribution, he also invited Hasan Ali Shah at his palace and gave him due honour. Ahmad Mirza Adud'ud Dawla writes in 'Tarikh-i Adudi' (Tehran, 1908, p. 69) that, 'Finally, as conclusive sign of honour, Fateh Ali Shah gave one of his daughters, Sarv-i Jahan Khanum, in marriage to Hasan Ali Shah, allotting 23,000 tumans of wedding expenses.' Hasan Ali Shah had been also invested the honorific title of 'Aga Khan' in 1234/1818, including the governorship of Mahallat and Qumm.
It seems that the ceremony to award the title had taken place in Qasr-i Qajar in Tehran. J.M. Tancoigne had been in the palace in 1807, describing its location four miles north of Tehran, vide 'Narrative of a Journey into Persia' (London, 1820, p. 180). William Price also visited Tehran in 1817 and writes in 'Journal of the British Embassy to Persia' (London, 1925, pp. 38-9) that, 'The Takht-i Kajar, or Palace of Kajar, is a noble pile of building situated on an eminence, about half-way between Tehran and Sherman surrounded by beautiful gardens, to which an aqueduct conveys water from the mountains. The beauties of nature and art, richly blended, make this one of the most delightful residence in Persia.' Sir Robert Ker Porter (1777-1842) had also visited Qasr'i Qajar in 1818 when Hasan Ali Shah was being crowned the title. He was full of admiration and writes in 'Travels in Georgia, Persia, Armenia, Ancient Babylonia' (London, 1821, p. 335) that, 'It stands on an eminently pleasant point of the adjoining mountains, being built on a detached and commanding hill, on the great slope of the Elborz. The edifice is lofty, and when seen from a distance, presents a very magnificent appearance.'

In 1246/1834, the Syrian Ismailis received a devastating blow from an Ottoman expedition at the command of Ibrahim Pasha, who caused heavy damage to the Ismaili castles and villages. After a decade, an Ismaili chief amir Ismail bin Muhammad of Qadmus succeeded in restoring his authority over the large part of the Ismaili community. He procured close ties with the Ottoman authorities in the time of Sultan Abdul Majid I (d. 1277/1861). In 1843, amir Ismail bin Muhammad petitioned the Ottoman authorities to allow the scattered Ismailis to restore Salamia for their permanent settlement, which was granted. In 1850, the Ottomans also exempted the Ismailis from military service.

Nothing more is virtually known about the Aga Khan I between 1234/1818 and 1250/1834 except a few fragments. A glimpse of the Indian Ismailis of Kutchh in 1234/1818 can be however seen from a description of Captain James Macmurdo, the resident at Anjar, who writes in his 'Bombay Literary Transactions'(2nd vol., p. 232) that, 'The Khoja is a Mohammaden cultivator, and frequently make a pilgrimage to a spot eight days march to the north-west of Ispahan, where they worship a living Peer or Saint (the Imam) to whom they pay an annual tax on their property.' The Aga Khan seems to have been in close contact with the Indian Ismaili communities as is gauged from his different letters. One letter dated December 27, 1820 addressing to the jamats of Sind, Bombay, Kutchh, Surat and other places, stating that the Kamadia would deliver this letter to the jamats. Another letter on records of the Bombay Jamatkhana indicates a permission to build a new Jamatkhana at Bombay in 1820. There are few other letters of March, 1824, October 1825 and November, 1825 relating to the community affairs.

Hasan Ali Shah, the Aga Khan I led a peaceful life in Mahallat, and enjoyed honour at the Qajarid court until the death of Shah Fateh Ali. On 19th Jamada I, 1250/October 23, 1834, Shah Fateh Ali suddenly fainted and fell to the ground in his palace and died. He ruled 38 years, 5 months and 29 days. He was succeeded by his grandson, Muhammad Shah (1250-1264/1834-1848). The Aga Khan attended the coronation of Muhammad Shah in Tehran on January 31, 1835, where he happened to see Major Henry Rawlinson (1810-1895), vide George Rawlinson's 'Memoir of Sir Henry C. Rawlinson' (London, 1892, p. 52). The new king Muhammad Shah had consulted with his chief minister, Qaim-maqam Farahani (d. 1251/1835) and appointed the Aga Khan as the governor of Kirman in 1251/1835.

The Aga Khan returned back to Mahallat, and upon his arrival, the celebrated Qajarid penegyrist Habib, known as Qa'ani (1807-1854), composed a qasidaof fifteen lines, praising the exellences of the Imam, vide his 'Diwan' (Tehran, 1957, pp. 180-1), whose opening lines run as under:-

'Eternal life in the world were necessary, to sing one tenth of the Aqa Khan's praise.'

The province of Kirman was then in the hands of the rebellious sons of Shuja al-Saltana, a pretender to the throne, and it was also regularly raided by the Afghans and Baluchis. The Aga Khan diplomatically restored order in Kirman with his own resources. Both Bam and Narmashir held for a long time by the rebellions, were also taken back. The Aga Khan sent a report of his victories to Tehran, but he obtained no appreciative words due to the rumours that he was extending his influence in southern Iran. The Aga Khan had paid half the expenses incurred in the campaign upon the words of the prime minister, Mirza Aqasi that he might recoup himself from the revenues of that province, but the Aga Khan did not touch the revenues and made his claim in the aforesaid report. Despite his valuable services, his governorship was short-lived in Kirman.

In 1252/1837, about twenty months after his arrival in Kirman, the Aga Khan was replaced by another governor, Firuz Mirza Nusrat ad-Dawla, and was recalled to Tehran. Trusting on the rumours, Muhammad Shah also took field against the Aga Khan in command of Suhrab Khan. Instead of making an investigation, the king's militant stance had been a source of surprise to the Aga Khan. He had no other alternative but to take arms for defensive measures. The fortress of Bam near Kirman was then in the hands of the king's artillery men, who had betrayed their chief. The Aga Khan was able to occupy this fort without difficulty in September, 1937. He refused to withdraw with his forces from the citadel of Bam until the principal cause of the court intrigues followed by his dismissal was not shown to him. The Iranian empire turned a deaf ear to him. Rather, his defensive actions were branded a rebellion. Obviously, the accusations branded upon him were highly exaggerated. The Iranian chronicler, Rida Quli Khan Hidayat, for instance in 'Raudat-us-Safa'i Nasiri' (Tehran, 1922, 10th vol., p. 260) has lebelled the actions of the Aga Khan as an act of revolt. An important analyst of the fact will be able to judge how much truth there was in the biographical work, 'Ibrat-i Afza' (Tehran, 1946, p. 20) of the Aga Khan, in which he disclaimed any desire for temporal power and said: 'Through the grace of God and the blessing of my immaculate forefathers and ancestors, I am able, from the wide and lofty expanse of darwishhood, to disdain and despise all monarchy.' In sum, the Aga Khan was driven to desperate straits and had to take up arms in self-defence. He had however a large and substantial following in Iran. Had he chosen, he could have mustered a big army to shake the Qajarid throne, but he was loath to fight with the king for whom he had a regard.

The Aga Khan's dismissal from the governorship of Kirman is also occasioned by the rivalries for the headship of the Nimatullahi order in Iran. It is said that Muhammad Jafar, known as Majdhub Ali Shah (d. 1239/1823), the 38th qutb of the order was succeeded by Zain al-Abidin Shirwani, known as Mast Ali Shah (1196-1253/1782-1837). Once the Aga Khan, during Fateh Ali Shah's rule had given refuge to Mast Ali Shah in the village of Daulatabad, near Mahallat, who had escaped the violent persecution of the Shia ulema of Fars. During the coronation of Muhammad Shah, Mast Ali Shah, who had been enjoying the Aga Khan's hospitality at Mahallat, accompanied a certain Ismaili friend to Tehran. Muhammad Shah too, had certain Sufic loyalties, and joined the Nimatullahi order before his coronation. Soon afterwards, Mast Ali Shah came to know Haji Mirza Aqasi, the prime minister (sadr'i azam), as his powerful rival, who as Nimatullahi aspired to the leadership of the order. Muhammad Shah also accepted him as the qutb of the Nimatullahi order. It resulted Mast Ali Shah to incur the disfavour of the king, and was driven from the court. Since Aga Khan had continued to support his friend, Mast Ali Shah, he arose the enmity of Mirza Aqasi, who intrigued against him and caused his removal from the governorship of Kirman.

It is also said that a certain Abdul Muhammad Mahallati had demanded one of the daughters of the Aga Khan in marriage to his son, which was not accepted. Thus, Abdul Muhammad Mahallati, initially in the service of the Aga Khan, had risen to a high position in the service of Mirza Aqasi in Tehran, aroused him against the Aga Khan. In sum, Mirza Aqasi, the prime minister was responsible to have stirred up Muhammad Shah, the Qajarid king against the Aga Khan. E.G. Browne in his 'A Literary History of Persia' (London, 1930, 4th vol., pp. 147-9) also admits the bone of contention between the Aga Khan and the Iranian king due to the arrogant behaviour instigated by Mirza Aqasi, and concerning whom many ridiculous anecdotes are still current in Iran. However, kings are guided generally more by the prime ministers than by personal judgements, therefore, Mirza Aqasi being an old tutor of the king wielded more influence over him.

In the meantime, Rida Quli, the grandson of Fateh Ali Shah, had taken refuge with the British in Baghdad, reported alleged details of news to Palmerston through the British resident Col. Taylor, claiming that the Aga Khan had formed an alliance and mutual league with the people of Sistan and the army of Baluchis. This further gave weight upon the rumours to the so called rebellion of the Aga Khan.

In a letter to Viscount Falkland (1803-1884), the governor of Bombay, the Aga Khan had also disclosed on April 18, 1851 that, 'The cause of my having been blamed before was the hot disposition of Haji Mirza Aqasi who had obliged me to leave the Persian court.' According to Mohsin Saee in 'H.R.H. Prince Aga Khan's Visit to Iran 1951' (Karachi, 1953, p. 4), 'Haji Abdul Muhammad, out of treachery and meanness, poisoned the ears of some of the court ministers against Aga Hasan Ali Shah, who was ultimately constrained to migrate to India in 1841.' It must be remembered that Aga Khan III, the grandson of Aga Khan I had visited Iran in 1951 to attend the marriage of King Muhammad Reza Shah Pehlavi with Queen Sorayya, and during that occasion, the Iranian newspapers had highlighted the historical relation of the Aga Khan I with the Iranian empire, but none of them had referred to the term rebellion for the Aga Khan I. For instance, the daily 'Iqleem' of February 12, 1951 wrote: 'The wicked designs of Haji Mirza Aqasi, the then prime minister of Iran, proved an obstacle in promoting the relations of this glorious family with the royal family of Qajar. Not being inclined to perpetuate the struggle and thereby causing bloodshed, Aga Hasan Ali migrated to India.'

It is an undeniable fact beyond a least doubt that the Iran was an arena of the bigoted Shia mulla and theologians at that time, where an Ismaili Imam hardly rule the country in peace for a long time, and as such, the notion advanced by the authors that the Aga Khan I had revolted for capturing the Qajarid throne is absolutely untrue.

The animosity of the Qajarids became more and more virulent, therefore, the Aga Khan at once recalled his brother Sardar Abul Hasan Khan from Baluchistan, where he was conducting military campaigns, and his another brother Muhammad Bakir Khan from Rawar. He prepared to resist the royal forces. He was besieged 14 months at Bam, a town in the province of Kirman, about 120 miles south-east of the city of Kirman on the western edge of the great salt desert, Dasht-i Lut.

In a dispatch to Palmerston, the British minister Sir J. McNeill (1838-1841) from Tehran reported on September 28, 1837 that, 'The Aga Khan continues to hold out in the fortress of Bam, near Kerman, and had made some successful sorties against the besieging force', vide 'Correspondence Relating to Persia and Afghanistan' (London, 1839, p. 64). In January, 1938 the Aga Khan moved slightly in the south and occupied the fort of Kaheen, half way between Bam and Kirman. During the encounter, Muhammad Bakir Khan was seriously wounded and taken prisoner. On Faridun Mirza's intercession, who was then the governor of Fars, the Aga Khan emerged from the citadel of Bam, but he was arrested and his possessions had been sacked. He and his family members were transferred to the city of Kirman, where they remained for 8 months.

Thus, the Aga Khan was detained to house-arrest in Kirman, and during which time, he continued to see his followers of Badakhshan, Khorasan and India. H.B.E. Frere (1815-1884) cites an account of the Indian pilgrims in 'The Khojas: the Disciple of the Old Man of the Mountain' (MacMillan Magazine, vol. 34, 1876, p. 432) that, 'One witness in the Bombay trial gave a narrative of the pilgrimage of this kind that he made in 1836-37 to Kirman, where the Aga Khan at that time happened to be residing. The witness, his father and mother, a brother and two sisters, with a party of about 100 other Khoja pilgrims, sailed from Bombay to Bunder Abbas, a port on the Persian coast, near the outlet of the Persian Gulf. They had offerings with them, in money and rich stuffs, to the value of about 2000 sterling. They stayed some time at Bunder Abbas, waiting for other Khojas to collect them from other quarters before starting on their tedious and somewhat perilous journey of 21 days across the mountain ranges of southern Persia from Bunder Abbas to Kirman. At length, about 500 Khojas having collected from all parts at Bunder Abbas, the caravan was formed and they made their way to Kirman. There they were lodged, at the expenses of the Imam, in a large rude building, built round three sides of a great open court. They stayed in Kirman about a month or six weeks, during which period, having first made their offerings, they were admitted ten or twelve times to the presence of the Imam.' The Aga Khan, says the witness, 'sat on his musnud (seat), we beheld his face, kissed his hand, and retired.'

His name was Muhammad Sultan, also known as Sir Sultan Muhammad Shah, the Aga Khan, G.C.S.I., G.C.I.E., G.C.V.O., G.C.M.G., LL.D., was born at Honeymoon Lodge in Karachi on Friday, the 25th Shawal, 1294/November 2, 1877 at 5:30 pm. When the news of his birth was routed to the Aga Khan I in Bombay, he said: 'Name him Muhammad Sultan. He would be a Sultan (emperor) in the world. His period would see wonderful events, and would earn distinguished position in the world.'
He grew up under the substle care of his mother. His father had declared him as his successor for the first time in Kamod, a village near Ahmadabad in 1884 before the local Ismailis. About three months before his death, it is learnt from the old manuscript of a certain Khoja Hansraj Sunderji that on May 14, 1885, the Aga Khan II had said to the Bombay jamat that: 'You adore Aga Sultan Muhammad same as you adore me. There is no difference between me and him. We both are from one light (noor), and you believe it as one, so that your worship be accepted in dooms-day. Do not consider us different, both are from one light.'

After his father's death, the Aga Khan III ascended the throne of Imamate at the age of 7 years, 9 months and 16 days on 6th Zilkada, 1302/August 17, 1885. The British empire awarded him the title of His Highness in 1886 in the time of Lord Reay, the then governor of Bombay. On that occasion, the Iranian king had sent him a sword and an ivory stick as presents.

The Aga Khan III as a child, almost from the time he could walk, took a keen interest in various games. He also showed an extraordinary affection for animals and was in the habit of feeding dears, stags and ponies in his home park, often leading them about with a string round their necks. He took great pleasure in riding a wooden horse.

Until the age of 18 years, the Aga Khan III received education in Bombay and Poona. He was deeply indebted to his learned and wise mother, Lady Ali Shah, to whom he owed his liberal and extensive education. Though deprived of the paternal solicitude of his father at the age of 8 years, his mother took abundant parental interest in his education. Besides oriental languages like Arabic, Persian, Urdu and Hindi, he also developed command over English, French and Germany. Alongwith Islamic education, he also studied western thought, sciences, metaphysics, astronomy and mathematics from his three European tutors. Like his mother, he also took interest in the poetical works of Rumi, Hafiz, Sa'adi, Firdausi and Umar Khayyam. Recollecting memory of his childhood, the Aga Khan once said: 'As a child I was very much interested in philosophy and poetry, because anyone who knows Persian literature is naturally inclined to those subjects by the wonderful power, charm and grace of our Persian poets. I came under the influence of Hafiz, Maulana Rumi and others at an early and impressionable age, and they opened my eyes to the wonders of the universe and to the need of constantly keeping abreast of scientific and philosophic speculation and discovery. I have never since lost my interest in these subjects and have tried, as far as one can in the midst of a busy life, to read all the most recent theories and the arguments on which they are founded.'

The Aga Khan III was fortunate to have a gifted and farsighted mother, Lady Ali Shah, who engaged best scholars to teach him Koran, Hadith and oriental languages. She also played a seminal role in the administrative affairs of the Ismaili community through a council. Dr. G.W. Leitner writes in 'Legends, Songs and Customs of Dardistan' (London, 1889, pp. 250-1) that, 'His Highness, Agha Sultan Muhammad Shah is the present hereditary spiritual head. His authority extends from the Lebanon to the Hindukush and wherever else there may be Ismailians, who either openly profess obedience to him, as do the Khojahs in Bombay; or who are his secret followers in various parts of the Muhammadan world in Asia and Africa. The present young, but enlightened, Chief is, as his father and grandfather, likely to exert his influence for good.'

The Aga Khan III started visiting the Ismaili communities outside Bombay in 1312/1894. He made his debut as an educational reformer, and visited The Mohammadan Anglo Oriental College in Aligarh (high fort), about 79 miles south-east of Delhi, on November 22, 1896 and had a productive meeting with Sir Sayed Ahmad Khan (1817-1898), who was a great educationist and socialist. Sir Sayed Ahmad Khan had founded the Aligarh College on November 1, 1875, and was the vice-President of the College Fund Committee as well as its Honorary Secretary. Qayyum A. Malick quotes in his 'Prince Aga Khan' (Karachi, 1954, p. 47) Sir Muhammad Yaqub as saying: 'I happened to see His Highness for the first time in 1896, when the young Khoja leader started his public career by making a pilgrimage to the M.A.O. College Aligarh, the great symbol of Muslim renaissance, and made his acquaintance with the founder of the institution, the late Sir Sayed Ahmed Khan, who was then the foremost Muslim leader of the day. It was perhaps this inspiring inauguration of the Aga Khan's public life which kindled in his heart an unabating fire for the service of his community. The late Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk, who arranged this historic meeting, had already perceived the germs of great talent in His Highness, and brought him closer to the Aligarh movement, and the Aga Khan soon appeared on the horizon.' Willi Frischauer also writes in 'The Aga Khans' (London, 1970, pp. 56-7) that, 'How wonderful if Aligarh could become a full university to bring up a generation of young leaders and advance the cause of Islam. Here was a chance to follow in the footsteps of his ancestor who had founded al-Azhar, the first Muslim university, which greatly appealed to the young Aga Khan. He decided to put up money for the cause and persuaded wealthy friends to contribute. It was a long struggle but he missed no opportunity to plead for this cause and when Aligarh finally became a university two dozen years later, it was more to Muslims than a seat of learning. In retrospect it was recognised as the intellectual cradle of independent Pakistan and the Aga Khan's enthusiasm and support which made it possible earned him a place among Pakistan's founding fathers.'

In 1315/1897, a terrible famine had badly shaken the Bombay Presidency, therefore, the Aga Khan III supplied food and seed, cattle and agricultural tools to the needy people, and in order to provide job opportunities, he started the construction of his Yarroda Palace at Poona. In Bombay, a large camp was pitched at Hasanabad, where thousands of people were daily fed at his expense; and to those who were ashamed openly to participate in this hospitality, the grain was provided to them privately for about six months. The famine was followed by the epidemic of bubonic plague and the superstitious people of India refused to be vaccinated against the disease. The Aga Khan III obtained the service of an eminent bacteriologist, Dr. Waldemar Mordecai Wolff Haffkine, the Director-in-Chief of the Government Plague Research Laboratory, Bombay. The Aga Khan was a crusader against meaningless supersitions and traditions, when soon after famine came plague, the people were in a panic and there was a hue and cry against inoculation with anti-plague serum. He therefore collected the people at his Khusaro Lodge, where the doctor was staying and addressed meetings explaining the benefits of inoculation. In front of this gathering he got himself inoculated, so as to dispel their superstitious fears, and strengthen their confidence in scientific methods of cure. This prompted others to follow and many lives were saved as a result. In the meantime, it had been proposed to give a public dinner to the Aga Khan III in Bombay in view of his outstanding services. When he had been informed of it, he wrote to the Secretary of the Reception Committee a letter, which showed his innermost feeling evoked by the distress of the poor people. He wrote: 'I cannot accept any entertainment when thousands of people are dying of starvation. It is almost wicked to waste money on rich food when thousands of people are starving. I would urge that every rupee that could be spared should be given for the relief of sufferers by famine instead of wasting it on the entertainments.'

Aqa Ali Shah, His Highness Aga Khan II was born in 1246/1830 at Mahallat, where he spent the first decade of his age. In the outset of 1256/1840, Aqa Ali Shah had been taken to Iraq, where he stayed a few years with his mother. Under the instruction of Iranian and Arab teachers, eminent for their piety and learning, he had been taught the oriental languages, and he achieved a reputation as an authority on Persian and Arabic literature, as a student of metaphysics and as an exponent of religious philosophy. He mostly spent his time at Baghdad and Karbala in hunting expeditions with the Iranian princes, notably in compnay with Zill al-Sultan, the eldest son of Shah Fateh Ali, who ruled for forty days in Iran.
During the late 1256/1840, Aqa Ali Shah had been permitted by the Qajarid regime to take up temporary residence in Iran. His first marriage actualized with Marium Sultana in Iraq, which had been opposed by certain local ulema, but the Aga Khan's close friend, called Safi Ali Shah (d. 1316/1898) had made the marriage possible after winning the approval of the ulema. From Karbala they had gone to Baghdad where they had a friendly meeting with Major Henry Rawlinson (1810-1895), the then British political agent in Turkish Arabia. He decided to take the Aga Khan's family under his protection.

Aqa Ali Shah and his mother Sarv-i Jahan Khanum (d. 1299/1882) and his wife Marium Sultana, joined Hasan Ali Shah Aga Khan I in Bombay in 1268/1852. The old book of Bombay Jamatkhana records an entry that he attended the marriage of a certain Ismaili on June 17, 1852 at Bombay and was given a cash prize. Henceforward, Aqa Ali Shah regularly visited different Ismaili communities in Sind, Kutchh and Kathiawar, and lived for some time in Karachi. He had been appointed a member of the Commission in 1874 which was constituted to submit proposals for amendments of law relating to the Ismaili community.

On succeeding to the Imamate in 1298/1881, Aqa Ali Shah Aga Khan II maintained the friendly relation with the British India that had been cemented by his father. He was granted the title of His Highness by the British government, which was officially informed to him by the then governor of Bombay on August 9, 1882 on behalf of the Governor General.

The Qajarid king of Iran, Nasiruddin Shah (d. 1313/1896) had sent a message of condolence and sympathy to the Aga Khan II on the occasion of his father's death. Later on, a robe of honour and the emblem of Iranian crown studded with diamonds were sent by the king to the Aga Khan in Bombay as a sign of his relationsip with the Aga Khan's family.

He was appointed to the Bombay Imperial Legislative Council from 1880 to 1885, when Sir James Fergusson (1808-1886) was the governor of Bombay. According to Naoroji M. Dumasia in 'The Aga Khan and his Ancestors' (Bombay, 1939, p. 61), 'The nomination to the Council in those days was a rare distinction bestowed only on men of outstanding ability and high social position.' He discharged his responsibilities and onerous duties in a manner which drew admiration of all. He was also the President of Mohammadan National Association at Bombay, and an honorary patron of the Western India Turf Club.

During Lord Ripon's regime a peculiar case arose in 1882, when Sir Courtney Ilbert framed and introduced a Bill, known as Ilber Bill. It intended to invest district magistrates and sessions judges with a limited jurisdiction to try European British subjects, and to empower local government to extend the powers to other officials of certain specified classes. The Ilbert Bill was opposed by the Indians, and a public meeting was held on August 27, 1883, with the participation of the Aga Khan II and other eminent persons. In the history of the nation-building of India, this meeting on the Ilbert Bill was justly regarded as most important, and indeed an epoch making event. In its resolution, a body of distinguished citizens was made in a deputation to Sir C. Baring to present the public opinions. This deputation included the Aga Khan II, Badruddin Tyab Ali (1844-1906), Feroz Shah, Telang, Mandlik, Sir Mangaldas Nathubhai and Premchand Roychand. The storm round the Bill however continued, and at length, the Bill had been amended and was passed on January 25, 1884.

He was also well concerned about the welfare of the Ismailis in India, and assisted the needy followers in Sind, Kutchh and Kathiawar. Recalling the events of his childhood, his son and successor the Aga Khan III once said: 'My first recollection is of camping in tents and of travelling with my father. We went through Kutchh, Kathiawar and Sind, and I can never forget the memories of those days when we had to halt every two or three hours in order not to tire the horses and mules and donkeys and camels that carried our luggage. Now, looking back, it seems to me that we led the life of gipsies; we were almost a gipsy family. We carried our food about, as very often we could not get it at the places through which we passed. Even water for drinking was brought, sometimes from Bombay or Karachi, in the form of soda water.'

Hasan Ali Shah, known as Muhammad Hussain al-Hussaini Mahallati was born in Mahallat on 1219/1804, and assumed the Imamate at the age of 13 years in 1233/1817. His most renowned title was Aga Khan. Jafar Rahimtoola writes in 'History of the Khojas' (Bombay, 1905, p. 234) that his name was documented with Bombay Government as His Highness Aga Khan Mahallati. His name however in the Bill of 1830 had been written as Pirzada i.e., the son of a saint.
His mother Bibi Sarcar Mata Salamat was the daughter of Pir Mirza Muhammad Bakir. On moving to Yazd, Imam Khalilullah Ali had left his wife and children at Mahallat to live on the proceeds of the family holdings in Mahallat and Kahek. When she found herself insecure in Mahallat, she had gone to Qumm with his son and made necessary arrangement for his elementary schooling, where his tutor was Ali Muhammad Qummi. Hasan Ali Shah, the Aga Khan was a keen scholar in Islamic studies and Sufism was his favourite subject. He had also collected the works of the eminent Sufis of Iran, which he brought in India.

Hasan Ali Shah Aga Khan I (1233-1298/1817-1881)- The title of Aga Khan
- Mission in Yasin and Punial
- Mission in Gilgit and Hunza
- Meeting of the Aga Khan with Muhammad Shah
- The Aga Khan I left Iran
- The Aga Khan I in Afghanistan
- The Aga Khan I in Sind
- The Aga Khan I in Jerruk
- The Aga Khan I in Calcutta
- The Syrian Ismailis
- Permanent Residency of the Aga Khan I
- Sayeda Imam Begum
- The Aga Khan Case - 1866
- AQA Ali Shah Aga Khan II (1298-1302/1881-1885)
- The first Khoja Ismaili School
- Death of the Aga Khan II
- Interment in Najaf
- Shamsul Mulk Lady Ali Shah
- Sultan Muhammad Shah Aga Khan III (1302-1376/1885-1957)
- First visit of Europe
- First visit of East Africa
- Movement of Aligarh University
- Foundation of All-India Muslim League
- Haji Bibi Case of 1908
- Foundation of Recreation Club Institute
- Khilafat Movement
- Round Table Conferences
- Separation of Sind
- President of League of Nations
- Islamic services
- The Aga Khan III as a writer
- Marriages of the Aga Khan III
- Jubilee celebrations
- Death of the Aga Khan III
- Prince Karim Aga Khan IV (1376/1957....)
- Takhat Nashini Celebrations
- Prince Aly Salomone Khan
- Titles and Honours

Ruknuddin Khurshah started his homeland journey from Karakorum after failing to see Mongke. His party, after travelling for about 400 kilometers, reached at the Khangai mountain, one of the three major mountain belts in the north of Mongolia, called also as Hangayn or Changai. On the edge of Khangai, where the route for Samarkand radiated, Ruknuddin and his companions were dismounted and led away from the road, on the pretext of going to a Mongolian feast, and were killed in brutality.
Ruknuddin had also taken his Mongolian wife with him as it was not possible to leave her alone in Hamdan, or send at Qazwin, where his family members were detained. Moreover, the presence of a Mongolian wife would have procured an impression upon Mongke as a token of friendship. The isolated chains of later traditions may have been embellished by narrators, but in essence it seems to be true that she had been spared and left alone. The Mongol party fled to Samarkand after killing Ruknuddin and his companions. They also pillaged the treasures of Ruknuddin and took a wild flight after leaving her alone. She had a small caravan of few horses and with them, she wandered and loitered all alone. It was yet danger to follow the tract leading to Samarkand, therefore, she proceeded south-east region, and finally landed at the mountaineous regions of Pamir inside the Gorno-Badakhshan, and nothing else is known about her. It seems fairly certain that her caravan must have been loaded with important documents or literary materials that most possibly remained with Ruknuddin Khurshah. It is more likely that the important historical documents and the manuscripts retained with Ruknuddin Khurshah unscathed, would have been in the Pamirs in Tajikistan. This however cannot be accepted as conclusively proven, but it does appear to be at least a likelihood. We do not pursue the matter any further here, but it deserves close examination.

Ruknuddin Khurshah remained as a ruler of Alamut for one year, and lived for another year, means the period of his Imamate was for two years. Thus, the Nizari Ismaili rule lasted for about 170 years in Alamut. Ruknuddin Khurshah was succeeded by his son, Shamsuddin Muhammad, who had been privily sent away in Azerbaijan.

Summing up the accounts of the Ismaili state, Dr. Farhad Daftary remarks in his 'The Ismailis: their History and Doctrines' (London, 1990, p. 382) that: 'The Nizari community of the Alamut period, comprised of highlanders and mountain dwellers, villagers and urban groups living in small towns, maintained a sophisticated outlook and placed a high value on intellectual activities, encouraged by the local sense of initiative in the main Nizari territories. In Alamut, Quhistan, and Syria, the Nizaris established impressive libraries, containing not only religious literature of all sorts, including Ismaili works, but also scientific tracts and equipments. The Nizaris seems to have been interested in different branches of learning, and the vitality of their community was reinforced by the continuing arrival of a certain number of outsiders into their centres.'

When Ruknuddin had left Iran for Karakorum, there had taken place a wild massacre of the Iranian Ismailis, who were in Mongol's custody. His family and dependents detained at Qazwin were also put to the sword by Qaraqai Bitikchi. Another cruel Mongol commander, called Otegu summoned the Ismailis of Kohistan to throng at one place, and butchered some 12,000 of them. W. Montgomery Watt however writes in his 'Islamic Philosophy and Theology' (Edinburgh, 1985, pp. 153-4) that, 'The fall of Alamut to the Mongols in 1256 was followed by massacres, but many Ismailites survived and the son of the last Imam was preserved safely in hiding.' When Halagu had finished his merciless operations, he decided to kill Ruknuddin out of Iran, through his envoy Bujrai.

On 1st Rabi I, 655/March 9, 1257, Ruknuddin Khurshah set out from Hamdan with nine companions and a group of Mongols led by Bujrai. On the way, when they arrived at the foot of Girdkuh, which was not yet surrendered, Ruknuddin tried once again to bring down the castle's garrisons. He was however suspected that he had told them secretly not to surrender, and as a result, he was not treated well henceforward by his escorts. Our sources do not give the route leading to Karakorum, but it seems that they alighted at Bukhara and proceeded about 150 miles to the east for Samarkand, and thence reached to Karakorum.
It is worthy of note from the accounts of 'The Journey of William of Rubruck to the Eastern Parts of the World' (tr. William W. Rockhill, London, 1900, p. 222) that King Louis IX (d. 1270) of France had tried to secure an alliance with the Mongols against the Muslims. In pursuit, he had sent William of Rubruck (1215-1295), a Flemish Franciscan on a diplomatic mission under the garb of church, at the court of Mongke (d. 1257) in the year 1253. William of Rubruck reached Karakorum on December 25, and visited the court of Mongke on January 4, 1254. He noticed strict security measures in the court, because it had been informed to Mongke, possibly a rumour that was going about that forty Ismaili fidais had entered the city to kill him. It is, however, much nearer to reasonable possibility that the detention of Ruknuddin in Karakorum would have proved a good hand to Mongke, to force the so called forty hiding fidais to surrender. Why Mongke did not detain Ruknuddin and also refuse to see him? It is most likelihood that Mongke was yet unaware of his arrival. It is, of course, possible to draw some inferences that the so called messenger from Mongke was forged by Bujrai according to a pre- arranged policy, informing Ruknuddin that Mongke did not wish to see him, which sounds in 'Jamiut Tawarikh' (p. 37) that, 'When the news reached Mongke that Ruknuddin was coming, he said, 'why is he being brought and why are post horses being tired unnecessarily?' He sent a messenger with instructions that he should be made away.' In contrast, it is very dissimiliar with Juvaini's account that Ruknuddin actually reached Karakorum, and Mongke remarked, 'It is unnecessary to bring him on so long a journey.' He refused to accept his present and dismissed with the charge: 'Seeing that you claim to be il (friend), why have you not destroyed certain castles such as Girdkuh and Lamasar? You must go back and when you have dismounted those castles, you shall again have the honour of tikishmishi' i.e., an audience with a ruler at which one hands over presents (2nd vol., p. 724). Juvaini was in Baghdad at that time, therefore, he seems to have derived his informations from oral channel, and with this the description of 'Jamiut Tawarikh' (p. 37) cannot be convincing. Under any circumstances, it is difficult to determine with any exactitude that Mongke was aware of Ruknuddin's arrival in Karakorum. The resistance of the garrisons of Girdkuh, including Bujrai's suspicion on Ruknuddin seem to have been reported secretly back to Halagu at Hamdan. It is therefore, possible that Halagu had changed his mind later when Ruknuddin had passed through Girdkuh for Karakorum, and had routed his immediate instructions to Bujrai not to arrange Ruknuddin's meeting with Mongke. Since Ruknuddin had been granted a self- conduct which was operative within the territories of Iran only, therefore, his murder out of Iran became validated for Halagu.

Ruknuddin Khurshah is reported to have married a Mongolian woman at the encampment of Halagu in Hamdan. He remained with Halagu for about 3 months and 23 days after the fall of Maimundiz. In the beginning of March, 1257, Halagu sent an embassy to the Abbasid caliph Mustasim, asking for submission. It seems probable that Ruknuddin must have conceived the forthcoming terrible onslaught of the Mongols against the Abbasids, and therefore, he intended to quit the company of Halagu before the operations. Since Lamasar and Girdkuh had not been surrendered, therefore, Ruknuddin was continued to be treated with honour. Ruknuddin sought permission from Halagu to see Mongke in Karakorum. He must have been taken to their operations against the Abbasids, had he not quitted the company of Halagu at Hamdan, and it would have led the enemies of the Ismailis to cultivate another story that the operations against Baghdad had been launched on the directions of the Ismaili Imam. Ruknuddin however succeeded to leave Hamdan for Karakorum.