Sayed Nur Muhammad Shah died on 940/1534 and was buried in the mausoleum of his father in Pirana, the necropolis of the Imam-Shahi sect. He had several sons, the oldest being Jalaluddin and Mustapha. Sayed Nur Muhammad Shah had however appointed one of his younger son as his successor, called Sayed Miran Khan, surnamed Sai'duddin. Several stories are recounted about the cruelty of the brothers of Sayed Miran Khan, who was exiled from Pirana. In sum, the shrine of Sayed Imam Shah remained in the custody of Jalaluddin and his descendants for about a century, while the pirs in the descent of Sayed Miran Khan were moving about the country. Sayed Miran Khan rambled as a successor of his father in Surat, Burhanpur and the towns of the Deccan.
Mention must be made on this juncture about the institution of the kakas in Imam-Shahi sect that had taken root in Pirana. This institution was the headman of the converted Hindus. The kaka was the Imam-Shahi cleric and his duty was to settle the petty disputes and collect religious taxes. This institution had been introduced at an early period in petty village communities, and then gradually penetrated into Pirana. The immediate cause of the final legalisation of the status of the kakas at Pirana was the rivalries and quarrels of the sons of Sayed Nur Muhammad Shah, who is said to have introduced the tradition of the kaka (headman) to collect religious taxes and offerings. The kaka was appointed for life and had to take vow of celibacy and received food and clothing as remuneration. The number of the early prominent kakas was twenty-five, from Kaka Shanna to Kaka Lakhman. The institution of the kaka had a furtive character. For details, vide 'Pirana Satpanth'ni Pol' (Falsehood of the Satpanth of Pirana), by Patel Narayan Ramji Contractor, Rajkot, 1926.

After the exile of Sayed Miran Khan, the kaka began to dominate at Pirana in all affairs and proved to be an inexhaustible source of intrigue and misery to the community, which ultimately brought about the complete ruin of the Imam-Shahi sect. Most of the old literature of the ginans remained in possession of the kakas, who were responsible to interpolate them. It must be noted that the theory of equating Imam Shamsuddin Muhammad with Pir Shams was most probably floated in these interpolations. The word Pir and Imam also began to be added frequently in their ginans for Sayed Imam Shah and Sayed Nur Muhammad Shah. Many other terminologies of the Hindus and their deities were added in the ginans. Henceforward, Pir Satgur Nur was identified in their newly ginans attributed to the authorship of Sayed Imam Shah, with the Brahma, Sayed Imam Shah as the incarnation of Indra and Nur Muhammad Shah was exalted to a station equivalent to Vishnu. One legendary book had been compiled in the name of Sayed Imam Shah, namely 'Dashtari Gayatri', in which the genealogical details are mentioned, but no mention is made of the line of the Ismaili Imams. Another bombastic work was also created, entitled 'Chetamani of Pir Imam Shah' where the descent is however traced to 'Sayed Satgur Patra Brahma Indra Imam Shah' and 'Adi Vishnu Nirinjan Nur Ali Mahomed Shah.' Thus, they enjoyed considerable autonomy to institute a number of fictitious theories and ceremonials

Meanwhile, a deputation arrived to invite Sayed Miran Khan to Pirana, which he accepted and returned to his native place, where he died in 980/1572 and was succeeded by Sayed Abu Ali Hashim, who was hardly 12 to 13 years of age. It must be added that Sayed Saleh (984-1021/1576-1612), another son of Sayed Miran Khan is said to have a strong proclivity towards Ismailism, who also composed few ginans.

The shrine of Sayed Imam Shah was in charge of the descendants of Jalaluddin, therefore, Sayed Abu Ali Hashim had to procure a strong following in Pirana, who, at length took its charge and died in 1021/1612. He was succeeded by his 15 years old son, Abu Muhammad Hashim, who decided to renovate the graves of his father and grandfather and erect a splendid mausoleum for them, near the shrine of Sayed Imam Shah. Nur Shah, the son of Mustapha, the brother of Sayed Miran Khan, was at that time the official keeper of the shrine of Sayed Imam Shah. He and his brother, Walan Shah fiercely opposed the plan. Their opposition rose to armed obstruction and in a pitched battle between the two parties, the supporters of Nur Shah were defeated. The enmity and hatred between them were going on unabated, but the majority remained faithful to Abu Muhammad Hashim, who died in 1045/1636. He was succeeded by his 12 years old son, Muhammad, also known as Muhammad Shah Dula Burhanpur. He left Pirana and went to Burhanpur in Khandesh and left behind his son, Abu Muhammad Shahji Miran in Pirana. He however died in 1067/1657 and was buried in Burhanpur. His successor Abu Muhammad Shahji Miran came to a tragic end due to the intolerance of the Mughal emperor Aurengzeb. According to 'Mirat-i Ahmadi' (comp. 1174/1761), certain officials with an armed escort were sent to Pirana with the express summon of the emperor to arrest Shahji Miran. The sickly old man refused to go. Then, being dragged by force, he poisoned himself on the way to the city and died not far from Pirana, where he was brought back to be interred. This event took place in 1103/1692. His son and successor was 12 years old Sayed Muhammad Shah, who wandered from Burhanpur to Pirana and the towns of the Deccan, and died in Ahmadnagar in 1130/1718. His infant son, Sayed Muhammad Fazal Shah had been brought up for 12 years in Ahmadnagar.

Meanwhile, a deputation of 200 persons from Pirana was sent to Ahmadnagar to invite the young pir to come back. Hence, Sayed Muhammad Fazal Shah was taken to Pirana, where he was met with great pomp. He however gave up all hopes of settling in Pirana owing to the strong influence and foothold of the kakas, who were adamant. He therefore went to Champanir, where he died on 1159/1746. Sayed Sharif then succeeded, who returned to Pirana in 1885/1771, where his father had failed. In Pirana, he discovered that his life was insecure, therefore he tried to settle in Cambay, about 20 miles distant from Pirana. His temporary absence brought about some ugly development in Pirana. The kakas, by bribes, arranged with the local authorities to take hold of the old historical house of the pirs and pulled it down. When the news of sacrilege reached to Sayed Sharif, he rushed back, only to find that it was too late. Curses followed between them and the atmosphere of Pirana remained as tense as ever. The guardian of Sayed Imam Shah's shrine at that time was Karamullah bin Jafar, who gave his daughter to Sayed Sharif in marriage. Sayed Sharif however died in 1209/1795 and was succeeded by his son, Badruddin, also known as Bara Miyan. He continued the policy of his father to reduce the power of the kakas in Pirana. He also died in 1243/1827 and was succeeded by his son, Bakir Shah, the last pir of the Imam-Shahi sect in Pirana. He also died most probably in 1251/1835 without leaving any successor. Thus, the old line of Sayed Nur Muhammad Shah (d. 940/1534) came to an end. The disciples of the Imam-Shahi sect are found in Ahmadabad, Kheda, Cambay, Baroda, Bhavanagar, Surat, Khandesh and Kutchh.

Previously, it is indicated that Humayun (1530-1556), the Mughal emperor, was dethroned by Sher Shah Suri (947-952/1540-1545) on May 17, 1540. Humayun led a life of homeless loitering in Sind for three years, and finally repaired to Iran in 1544 in the time of Shah Tahmasp. Humayun embraced Shiism in Iran, and with the help of the Safavids, he reinstated the Mughal empire in India in 962/1555 after fifteen years. The Indian Ismaili pilgrims, who visited Anjudan by road, seem to have been advised by Nuruddin Ali to travel by sea. It is possible that between 947/1540 and 962/1555, Sher Shah Suri had planted his agents in Sind to search Humayun, resulting the roads insecure between India and Iran for the travellers. Humayun embarked from Sistan with 12,000 horsemen in 952/1545 and seized Kandhar and Kabul. He also conquered Badakhshan in 954/1547, and then entered India and captured Delhi in 962/1555. It is also probable that the routes between Iran and Badakhshan were insecure from 952/1545 to 962/1555, therefore, Nuruddin Ali had also directed his followers in Badakhshan not to travel for Iran for few years.

One unknown manuscript of Iran of 929/1523 is unearthed, containing 24 quatrains in glorification of the Imam of the time, whose few couplets are given below:-

Pesh az man baaisam tuhi mowlana,
bi tu che tasrafum rasd dar du jahan.

'O'Lord! you existed before me, therefore you created
me.
What I may take away in the two worlds except to desire
for you.

Gar kohana wa gar navim ya mowlana,
bi rai'i to marqsada nadaarim digar.

'We may be either young or old, but there is no aim of
our lives without your remembrance.'

Aiy'i rahat baksh'i ruh ya mowlana,
har yad'i to mikunand dar alam'i showk.

'O'Lord! you are peace giver to the mankind. When love
gushes, the lovers remember your name.'

It seems possible that the above unknown poem belonged to the then known Ismaili poet Mahmud Ali, who hailed from Mominabad. Dr. Farhad Daftry has also discovered his poems from the Ismaili leaders in Khorasan, which have not been listed in 'A Guide to Ismaili Literature' (London, 1933) by W. Ivanow and in 'Biobibliography of Ismaili Literature' (California, 1977) by Ismail K. Poonawala. In his one long poem, Mahmud Ali names the Ismaili dais, mu'allims and lesser functionaries in numerous localities in Khorasan, Kohistan, Irak-i Ajam, Kirman, Afghanistan, Badakhshan, Turkistan and the Indian subcontinent, including Multan, Lahore and Gujrat.

Imam Nuruddin Ali consigned the office of Imamate to his son, Khalilullah Ali, and died in 957/1550 in Anjudan. The details of his other five sons are inaccessible.

The Ismailis in Kashmir, Punjab and Sind were ardent and fervent followers, but the mission in Gujrat suffered a setback due to the negative propaganda of Nur Muhammad Shah (d. 940/1534), the son of Sayed Imam Shah. He however had renounced his allegiance with the Iranian Imams, but it is doubtful that he had ever claimed Imamate for himself.
Among the Imam-Shahis, a theory had been cultivated, equating Imam Shamsuddin Muhammad with Pir Shams as one and the same person. This theory has it that Imam Shamsuddin Muhammad had abdicated the Imamate in favour of Imam Kassim Shah and himself took up the mantle of the Pir and started mission in India. This 'abdiction theory' is also sounded in the 'Satveni'ji Vel' of Sayed Nur Muhammad Shah, which had been inserted in later period. The modern scholars curiously speculate that this theory was the creation of Sayed Nur Muhammad Shah to legitimate his alleged claim to the Imamate that would have served his self-interest to endorse a genealogy, tracing his father back to the Ismaili Imam Shamsuddin Muhammad. It should be however noted that the 'Satveni'ji Vel' had been in private collection of the Imam-Shahis in Pirana, containing 200 stanzas with endless errors and interpolations, whose 150 stanzas were printed in 1906 at Bombay into Khojki script for the Ismailis. The remarks of the modern scholars in favour of the alleged claim of Sayed Nur Muhammad Shah are based solely on the printed text of 1906.

W. Ivanow writes in his 'The Sect of Imam Shah in Gujrat' (JBBRAS, XII, 1936, p. 32) that, 'As he (Nur Muhammad Shah) surely could not pretend to be a son of an Imam, he had to invent a theory of his descent from the line of the Imams, and the coincidence in the names of his ancestors, (Pir) Shamsuddin, with the name of Shamsuddin the Imam, offered an easy opportunity.' Being inspired with the comment of W. Ivanow, Dr. Azim Nanji writes in 'The Nizari Ismaili Tradition in the Indo-Pakistan Subcontinent' (New York, 1978, pp. 63-4) that, 'Since he (Nur Muhammad Shah) claimed to be an Imam, it was necessary according to standard Ismaili belief that he should want to establish a direct lineage from the Imams in order to authenticate his claims. By making Pir Shams and Imam Shamsuddin Muhammad one and the same person, and by claiming direct descent from Pir Shams, he could thus substantiate his own right to the Imamate.' In sum, it seems that the scholars have not gone through the 'Satveni'ji Vel' as thorough as required. The 'abdiction theory' making an Imam to degrade to the office of the Pir is the creation of later period, when a part of the ginans including 'Satveni'ji Vel' were in the possession of the kakas in Pirana, who were responsible to distort the ginans and inserted 'abdiction theory' to suit the flavour of their beliefs. It is therefore not justifiable to cultivate any doubtful idea for Sayed Nur Muhammad Shah, charging him to have incorporated such theory in his work to boost his alleged claims.

It is beyond the province of our study to evaluate the veracity of 'Satveni'ji Vel' of Sayed Nur Muhammad Shah, but we will discuss the alleged claims in the light of the few verses derived from the printed text as under:-

'Both authorities of Imamate and Pirship were with Imam Shams' (78: 9)

'Shah Shams arrived in India and made his public appearance' (79: 1-2)

'Pir Shams then proceeded to Punjab after consigning Imamate to Kassim Shah. It was Samvat 1366 (1310 A.D.) when Kassim Shah assumed the Imamate. Hence, the office of the Pir was retained by Pir Shams and that of the Imamate by Kassim Shah' (94: 1-6)

It ensues from above verses that Imam Shamsuddin Muhammad had come to India, and when he intended to proceed to Punjab, he retinguished his office of Imamate to Kassim Shah, and retained the office of the Pir with him. In other words, Imam Shamsuddin Muhammad henceforth came to be known as Pir Shams in India. It however implies that the Imamate remained with Kassim Shah and his descendants, while the office of the Pir with Pir Shams and his descendants. It is therefore crystal clear to judge that any claim of Imamate being advanced in the descent of Pir Shams cannot be validated, since he was then not an Imam, but a Pir. According to the fundamental belief of the Ismailis that an Imam is the sole authority to commission any person in his absolute discretion to the post of Pir, and thus the 'Satveni'ji Vel' does not claim that Imam Kassim Shah had appointed or declared Imam Shamsuddin Muhammad as a Pir and therefore the 'abdiction theory' cannot be historically true, but it was the causation of the later Imam-Shahi kakas, whose beliefs used to be changed from time to time, who needed to interpolate the notion of the ginans.

While going through the old manuscripts of the ginans, one can find an indication that the original work of 'Satveni'ji Vel' should have been projected for 100 stanzas, dealing with the history of the Imams and the Pirs. It was compiled between 922/1516 and 926/1520 when Sayed Imam Shah (d. 926/1520) was most probably yet alive, therefore, it seems impossible that the 'abdiction theory' had been inserted to boost his alleged claim by Sayed Nur Muhammad Shah during the period of his father. There is another point to touch that Sayed Nur Muhammad Shah was admittedly well grounded in Ismaili history and known that an Imam should be the son of the Imam, therefore, his alleged claim to the Imamate is highly doubtful.

Sayed Imam Shah is said to have composed 'Moman Chetamani' in which he also admits that, 'Shamsuddin was the son of Pir Salauddin, who embarked from Tabriz, and he was Pir Shamsuddin to spread the religion' (no. 204). 'He showed Kassim Shah, the Lord of the age' (no. 362). Among the Imam-Shahis, the 'Jannat-nama' is a famous work of Sayed Imam Shah, which reads:- 'Recognize Pir Satgur Nur, who is (in the same authority) that of Salauddin, His son was Pir Shamsuddin and Pir Nasiruddin was from the latter.' (no. 77). It further ensues from these verses that the 'abdiction theory' did not exist in the time of Sayed Imam Shah and his son, but was coined in later period. It may be known that the original manuscript of the 'Satveni'ji Vel' is being unearthed to bring further light on the subject in near future.

It is further suggested that Sayed Nur Muhammad Shah had used the word nar for himself in the ginans to boost his alleged claim, which is another layer of confusion added in the modern sources. While dismissing this theory, we will have to seek the reasons. It has been observed that the reciters of the ginans used to pronounce the word nar instead of nur in many cases and gradually they found coherance in the two words, and seem to have ignored the distinction between them. They found striking parallels between these two words, and being Indians by origin, the reciters preferred to pronounce the Hindi word nar instead of the foreign word nur in many ginans.

The scrunity of the old manuscripts also throws a flood of light that the scribes had transmuted the word nur (light) for nar (Lord), resulting the rendering of Nur Muhammad Shah to Nar Muhammad Shah in the old manuscripts. The modern writers, without examining the transcriptional error, hazard to theorize that Nur Muhammad, an alleged aspirant to the office of the Imamate had claimed as nar (Imam) for himself. Given that he had applied the term nar for himself in his ginans, composed almost during his father's time, then it seems improbable that his claim originated when his father was alive. His extant ginans also do not sound to this effect a little likelihood. Summing up all these materials for evidence, it is worth stressing that the reliance on the key term, can do great injustice to its interpretation and even to larger tradition, and research must cross many barriers of old tradition and poor thinking in order to stand within another world view.

It is however certain that Nur Muhammad Shah had violated the communal disciplines, engendering the principal cause of the split after 926/1520, and he was the real renegade to have abjured Ismailism. In 'Manazil al-Aqtab', Nur Muhammad is made responsible for separating his followers from the main Ismaili stock. W.Ivanow writes on the basis of 'Manazil al-Aqtab wa Basati'nul Ahbab' (comp. 1237/1822) that a certain Mukhi Kheta was the head of 18000 converted Hindus during the time of Pir Hasan Kabiruddin. He was comissioned to collect religious dues in a tithe wallet (jholi) in Gujrat and send the accumulated funds back to the main treasury in Sind. Not only this practice followed during the time of Sayed Imam Shah, but it was carried on even under Sayed Nur Muhammad Shah himself. The tradition has it that immediately after the death of his father, Sayed Nur Muhammad Shah had ordered Mukhi Kheta that the accumulated funds of Gujrat should henceforth be deposited in Pirana, instead of being sent to Sind. Mukhi Kheta emphatically refused it, which was more likely a bone contention of the defection. The religious dues at that time was collected by the authorized vakils, and deposited at Sind, and thence the whole lot was to be remitted to Iran.

It seems that a large conversion had been resulted in the time of Sayed Imam Shah in Gujrat and Kathiawar, where Mukhi Kheta used to collect the religious dues since the time of Pir Hasan Kabiruddin, procuring there more funds than that of Kutchh, Sind and Punjab. It is therefore most probable to speculate that Sayed Nur Muhammad Shah had desired the main treasury to be shifted gradually from Sind to Pirana, so that he might use the funds at his liberty. It should also be noted that between the year 926/1520 and 931/1525, the tradition of venerating the shrines of the Sayeds had largely developed among the followers who had supported Sayed Nur Muhammad Shah. It also seems that he had planned to make Pirana a centre of veneration more attractive than that of Uchh in Sind. In pursuit, he naturally needed huge funds, which he could only generate from the main treasury, and that is why he desired to transfer it from Sind to Pirana. He however instructed his followers to deposit their religious dues and offerings in Pirana.

Mukhi Kheta seems to be a regular and faithful in his duties. In the absence of any official orders, he could not comply with the instructions of Sayed Nur Muhammad Shah. Since Sind was near Iran than that of Pirana in making remittance of the whole funds to the Imam, therefore, it was immaterial to transfer the main treasury from Sind to Gujrat. In sum, the refusal of Mukhi Kheta and the opposition of Sayed Nur Muhammad Shah, had marred the relations of the Ismailis of Sind and Gujrat, and it was an early brick of the schism, making the Indian Ismailis bifurcated into the two branches, i.e., the Khojas Ismailis and the Imam-Shahis.

After being disappointed, Sayed Nur Muhammad Shah came up openly to misguide the Ismailis in India. All this had been brought to the notice of Imam Nuruddin Ali in Iran, who at once outcast him from the community with a express command, and instructed the faithful Ismailis to refrain from their association with the Sayeds of Pirana. Thus, Sayed Muhammad Shah and his followers defected from the Ismaili community, and laid the foundation of their own sect, known as the Imam-Shahis. The schism took place in the emotionally charged climate around 931/1525. W. Ivanow writes in 'The Sect of Imam Shah in Gujrat' (JBBRAS, XII, 1936, p. 45) that, 'The split, caused by Nur Muhammad Shah's pretentions, has done incalculable harm to his sect. Instead of being followers of Ismailism, the ancient and highly philosophical branch of Islam, with its great cultural traditions and the mentality of a world religion, they have become nothing but a petty community of 'Piranawallas', a kind of inferior Hindus, and very doubtful Muslims. Anyhow, orthodox Muslims do not regard them as Muslims, and orthodox Hindus do not regard them as Hindus.' In sum, the Imam-Shahi sect lost all its cultural elements and rapidly sank deeper and deeper, with no prospect of early regeneration. It is now a hodgepodge of Hindu and Islamic elements.

Bibi Khadija, the wife of Sayed Imam Shah seems to have played a seminal role in the schism. She extended her support to Nur Muhammad Shah and repudiated the recognition of the Imam in Iran. She seems to have declared Nur Muhammad Shah as the successor of Sayed Imam Shah and the dissociated group became known as the Imam-Shahis, making Sayed Imam Shah as the founder. She summoned Sayed Rehmatullah Shah, the son of Pir Hasan Kabiruddin at Pirana to win his support, but he refused to throw off his allegiance to the Imam in Iran. He stayed at Pirana for few months, and returned after marrying with a Sayed lady. It is recounted that Sayed Rehmatullah propagated among the Ismaili circles in India through his messengers that he had nothing to do with the Sayeds of Pirana. He also arranged to sent a large amount of religious dues through two persons in Iran. Khayr Khwah Herati (d. after 960/1553) also confirms the visit of two Indian Ismailis, the followers of Sayed Rehmatullah Shah, who had come to Khorasan on their way to search for the Imam to present religious dues, vide his 'Tasnifat', edited by W.Ivanow, Tehran, 1961, p. 54.

Sayed Rehmatullah is said to have visited Badakhshan and Anjudan and reported whole story to the Imam. He finally settled down in a village, called Kadi in Gujrat.

Hence, a large conversion of Sayed Imam Shah in Gujrat suffered a great reverse and the half-baked adherents of Islam were dragged into the most furious blasts of hostile winds. This alarmed a group of the adherents, inducing them to retrace their steps towards the fold of Hinduism, but most of them remained faithful to Ismailism. But, a major group in Pirana dissociated at the head of Nur Muhammad Shah, became known as the Imam-Shahis, who followed the mixed rituals of Islam and Hinduism, like Hussaini Brahmin, Shanvi and Bad Khwans. They propagated that the successor of Pir Hasan Kabiruddin was Sayed Imam Shah, who was followed by Sayed Nur Muhammad Shah. The schism also effected the Satpanth Literature, i.e., the ginans. It is most certain that the ginans of Sayed Imam Shah had been adjusted at Pirana to suit the flavour of the Imam-Shahis. The mainstream of the community, known as the Khojas in Sind, Kutchh, Kathiawar and Gujrat continued to adhere to the Imam, and protected the accumulated ginans to great extent from being interpolated.

Abul Kassim Muhammad Kuhpayai, known as Amiri Shirazi, or Kassim Amiri was a famous Ismaili scholar and poet. He was born possibly in 953/1545 in Kuhpayai, a village in the vicinity of Ispahan. He served Shah Tahmasp in the Safavid court for 30 years, then fell into disfavour. It is recounted in the native tradition that a court theologian, Hilli Hasan bin Yousuf aroused the king against him. Shah Tahmasp arrested him for alleged impeachment being an infidel, and blinded him in 973/1565. He was imprisoned in Shiraz, and was executed by Shah Abbas in 999/1591. He passed a tragic life, and none dared to quote or collect his poetical works. His poems are accessible almost disorderly, in which few historical events are composed, dating around 987/1579. In his 'Ash'ar-i Amiri', he eulogized Imam Murad Mirza and Imam Nuruddin Ali. It sounds from his poems that being an Ismaili, he had to face troubles, therefore, he had presented his religious feelings very carefully. Abu Baqi Nihawand writes in 'Ma'athir'i Rahimi' (Calcutta, 1931, 3rd vol., p. 1506) that the poems of Kassim Amiri were collected by his nephew Maulana Dakhli, who later on migrated to India.
The tradition of vakil in Hind and Sind was retained by Nuruddin Ali. The term vakil was a short form of vakil'i shah (vicegerent of the Lord) or vakil'i mawla (vicegerent of the Imam), and the term vakil'i nafs'i nafis'i humayun (vicegerent of the Imam in both his spiritual and temporal capacities) was used in Iran for the Indian hujjat, or pir. While in Badakhshan, the tradition of numainda (representative) had been retained, and the local chiefs were selected for the office. Nuruddin Ali began to appoint the vakil, numainda or hujjat from his family members, and the local chiefs were directed to work under them. This newly system gave a gravity to the Ismaili mission. The names of many other vakils in Central Asia are found without their biographies, and it is difficult to locate their periods.

After the tragic death of Raziuddin II, his son Shah Tahir Hussain Dakkani continued the tradition of the khanqah in Khwand, where the Sufis from Egypt, Bukhara, Samarkand and Qazwin flocked. It also influenced the local rulers and noblemen. The Safavid Shah Ismail became apprehensive of Shah Tahir's growing fame, therefore he invited him to join the Safavid scholars in his court at Sultaniyya. He joined the Safavid court in 926/1520 in the garb of the Twelver. It seems almost certain that it was a wise decision, and if Shah Tahir had not joined the court, Shah Ismail would have conducted a massacre of the Ismailis in Iran. According to 'Ibrat-i Afza', 'The widespread massacres of the Ismailis had been avoided due to the taqiya of Shah Tahir Hussain.'
After some times, it seems that the rivals of Shah Tahir stirred up suspicions of Shah Ismail, so he left the court and moved to Kashan, where his followers once again thronged in large number. The local Shia ulema reported to Shah Ismail, accusing of leading the Ismailis and of corresponding with foreign rulers. Shah Ismail ordered his military commander to hasten to Kashan and eliminate Shah Tahir Hussain, but Mirza Shah Hussain Ispahani, a dignitary of the Safavid court, and an Ismaili, had informed Shah Tahir secretly of the king's intention. Shah Tahir left Kashan for Fars at once in Jamada I, 926/April, 1520. He fortunately boarded a ship sailing to India at Jardan, and reached Goa after eight days. When his ship anchored the port of Oman, he had an opportunity to convert Shah Qudratullah and his followers.

Shah Tahir went to Bijapur from Goa, where he was ignored by Ismail Adil Shah (915-941/1510-1534), the ruler of Bijapur. He left Bijapur for Gulbarga, and moved to Parenda. Khwaja Jahan, the governor of Parenda urged him to stay there for few more times. Thus, Shah Tahir resided at Parenda as a teacher and became famous for his learning. Meanwhile, Pir Muhammad Sherwani, the teacher of Burhan Nizam Shah (914-961/1508-1553) of Ahmadnagar, arrived in Parenda. He was so impressed by Shah Tahir's scholarship that he stayed there for one year, and learnt the system of astronomy and trigonometry. On his return to Ahmadnagar, Pir Muhammad Sherwani reported to Burhan Nizam Shah about Shah Tahir's knowledge. Finally, Shah Tahir was invited in Ahmadnagar, who reached there in 928/1522 and was feted a royal welcome. He rendered valuable services to the Nizam Shahi dynasty of Ahmadnagar in Deccan. Gradually, Shah Tahir became Burhan's principal counseller. His diplomatic and financial administrative duties however did not prevent him from dedicating himself to teaching, lectures and religious polemics. Shah Tahir did not disclose his Ismaili identity. Burhan Shah built a seminary for him in the fort, where Shah Tahir delivered lectures twice a week, and all the ulema and Burhan Shah himself attended.

In 944/1537, Burhan's son Abdul Qadir fell seriously ill. The Muslim and Hindu physicians failed in their treatment, but was healed at length by Shah Tahir. This event marked deep impression and regard in the heart of Burhan Shah, who embraced Ismailism under the garb of Twelvers. Sayyid Ahmadullah Qadri writes in 'Memoirs of Chand Bibi' (Deccan, 1938, p. 102) that, 'In 928/1522 when Shah Tahir, passing through Bijapur and Parenda, came to Ahmadnagar, Burhan Nizam Shah I, adopted the Ismailia religion in 944/1537. With the exception of Ismail Nizam Shah, who became Mahdi for a short time, all the rulers were Ismaili Shiahs.' Burhan Shah also proclaimed Shiism as a state religion in Ahmadnagar. Pir Muhammad Sherwani and other Sunni ulema became jealous towards the religious success of Shah Tahir, who agitated against the proclamation. They were however arrested, but Shah Tahir spared the life of Pir Muhammad Sherwani for his past services, and was imprisoned. Pir Muhammad had been released after four years at Shah Tahir's appeal and his former office was restored to him.

Sayed Ali Tabatabai writes in 'Burhan'i Ma'asir' (Hyderabad, 1936, p. 260) that Shah Tahir had adopted taqiya and did never tell of his real faith. Sayed Zakir Hussain also writes in 'Tarikh-i Islam' (Delhi, 1918, 1st vol., p. 386) that Shah Tahir came from Iran and converted Burhan Shah to Shiism, and adopted taqiya in the court.

In 950/1543, Burhan Nizam Shah sent Khurshah bin Qubad al-Hussaini, a close relative to Shah Tahir as an ambassador in Iran at the court of Shah Tahmasp, who received him at Qazwin. Shah Tahmasp sent a letter to Shah Tahir in appreciation with many gifts for the endorsement of Shiism in Nizam Shahi state in Ahmadnagar. In return, Shah Tahir's son Shah Hyder was also sent from Ahmadnagar to Iran on a goodwill mission; who was yet in Iran when Shah Tahir died in Ahmadnagar in 956/1549 during the time of Imam Nuruddin Ali (d. 957/1550).

Shah Tahir had four sons and three daughters, in which Shah Hyder was an elder being born in Iran, and rest in India, namely Shah Rafiuddin, Shah Abul Hasan and Shah Abu Talib. Shah Tahir's brother Shah Jafar was also persecuted violently by the Safavids in Iran, who also came in India and attached with the administration of the state. The mission in guise of Shah Tahir had been continued by his successors, viz. Hyder bin Shah Tahir (d. 994/1586), Sadruddin Muhammad bin Hyder (d. 1032/1622), Muinuddin bin Sadruddin (d. 1054/1644), Atiyyatullah bin Muinuddin (d. 1074/1663), Aziz Shah bin Atiyyatullah (d. 1103/1691), Muinuddin II bin Aziz Shah (d. 1127/1715), Amir Muhammad bin Muinuddin II (d. 1178/1764), Hyder II bin Muhammad al-Mutahhar (d. 1201/1786) and Amir Muhammad bin Hyder al-Bakir, whose biography is not known. The modern writers of Momin-Shahis however makes Amir Muhammad bin Hyder al-Bakir as their last fortieth Imam in the line of Momin Shah (d. 738/1337). It is learnt that the Syrian Momin-Shahis, after sending in vain in India to locate the descendants of Amir Muhammad bin Hyder in 1304/1887, the bulk of them transferred their allegiance to the Imam of Kassim-Shahi line.

It should be remembered that being a learned Ismaili preacher, Shah Tahir's method differed starkly with the usual dawa system. If he was a Twelver, he certainly needed nothing to leave Iran, where he had good opportunity at the Safavid court. Farhad Daftary writes in 'The Ismailis: their History and Doctrines' (London, 1990, p. 489) that, 'One must bear in mind, however, that Shah Tahir and other Nizari leaders of the period were obliged to observe taqiya very strictly. It is certain that Shah Tahir propagated his form of Nizari Ismailism in the guise of Twelver Shiism, which was more acceptable to the Muslim rulers of India who were interested in cultivating friendly relations with the Twelve Shi'i Safawid dynasty of Persia.'

Imam Abuzar Ali is said to have returned to Anjudan in 912/1507 after getting congenial atmosphere. He maintained his cordial ties with the local amirs, elites and the Safavids. Abuzar Ali is said to have betrothed to Sabira Khatoon, the daughter of Shah Ismail, and was granted the title of Amir al-Umra (chief of the chiefs). This matrimonial relationship suggests a close tie of the Imam with the ruling power in the mantle of the Twelver.

Imam Abuzar Ali died in 915/1509 and was buried in Anjudan. The Russain scholar W.Ivanow had visited Anjudan in 1937 to collect the details from the inscriptions of then existing graves and mausoleums of the Ismaili Imams. He failed to locate the grave of Abuzar Ali in Anjudan. But, before him, Muhammad Taqi bin Ali Reza, who compiled 'Athar-i Muhammadi' in 1893 had visited Anjudan before the migratiion of Imam Aga Hasan Ali Shah in 1842. He had discovered the grave of Abuzar Ali, and writes, 'Imam Abuzar Ali had been invested the honorific title of Amir al-Umra, whose description is still preserved on the marble slab of Imam's grave' (pp. 65-66). It tenaciously corroborates to the fact that the grave of the Imam in Anjudan had been decayed before the visit of W.Ivanow, and it is, of course, possible that the same would have been happened with the grave of Imam Murad Mirza.

It must be recollected that Momin Shah, the son of Imam Shamsuddin Muhammad was the hujjat in Syria. Since he was an elder son, therefore, a small section in Syria had considered him as his father's successor. It is related that he returned from Syria and settled down in a village called Khwand in Qazwin, bordering Gilan too. He preached the esoteric teachings of Ismailism on Sufic pattern. Momin Shah built a small khanqah (cloister) in Khwand, where he and his descendants had been revered as the 'Saints of Khwand' (sadit-i khwandia) due to their piety and learning. Momin Shah died in 738/1337 and remained faithful to the line of Kassim-Shahi. None among them had ever claimed for Imamate, or visited Syria to nourish that small growing group, who later on became known as Momin-Shahis. It must be noted that the trivial section of Momin-Shahis was neither a forgotten branch of the Ismailis, nor a schism of great importance.
Imam Mustansir billah II (d. 880/1475) mentions in 'Pandiyat-i Jawanmardi' (p. 45) that: 'At the time of my great ancestor, Shah Husayn, some followers gave him up and accepted Muhammad ibn Hanafiyya. At the time of Shah Zaynu'l-abidin, some gave up the real Imam, and accepted Zayd as an Imam. At the time of my ancestor, Shah Jafar as-Sadiq, some followers gave up the real Imam, following Musa Kazim. Some followed Abdu'l-lah. Similarly, at the time of my ancestor, Shah Mustansir bi'l-lah, some gave up the real Imam, and followed Musta'li.' One can judge from the above version that the Imam had referred to both the major and minor branches of the Shiism, but did not mention a single word for the Momin-Shahis; tending to show that it was not a serious schism, but was a group anticipating the Imamate of Momin Shah. They used to call the Syrian Ismailis as the Kassim-Shahis to distinguish themselves from them. Later on, the local disputes between them had created some sorts of isolation. Some Momin-Shahis are reported to have gone in Badakhshan for business purpose, and propagated the line of Momin Shah. It seems that they were also responsible to cultivate different names and titles of the Imams in the line of Kassim Shah and Momin Shah.

Muhammad Shah (d. 807/1404), the son of Momin Shah became the next saint (sadat) of their khanqah in Khwand, who also acquired few powers in the locality of Daylam. He was succeeded by his son, Raziuddin I (d. 833/1429), who in turn was succeeded by his son Muhammad Tahir Shah (d. 867/1462). His son Raziuddin II (d. 915/1509) had gone to Badakhshan from Sistan in 913/1508 for mission. He established his rule over a large part of Badakhshan with the help of the Ismailis during the time of a certain Taymurid amir called Mirza Khan (d. 926/1520). Raziuddin II was killed in the local tribal fighting in 915/1509. Mirza Khan then executed many Ismailis in Badakhshan.

In 904/1499, Shah Ismail had decided that the time was ripe for the supreme bid for power. He prepared a colossal army, and began to conquer the Iranian territories in 905/1500 including Iraq and founded the Safavid empire. In Iran, he absolutely dominated in Hamdan, Mazandaran, Shirwan, Khorasan, Yazd etc. He tried to extend his influence in Afghanistan, Balkh and Bukhara. The Ottoman empire evidently opposed the growing power in Iran. The Uzbek rulers of Bukhara however checked the advance of the Safavids. Thus, the Safavids considered their two borders insecure for the empire.
Shah Ismail's fist action on his accession was the proclamation of the Shiism as the state religion of Iran, differentiating from the Ottoman of Turkey, who were the Sunnis. Shah Ismail however failed to impose Shiism in many Iranian regions. Many people are reported to have been executed, and other migrated. The Sunni theologians went to Herat, India and Bukhara. Under such rigorous policy, one renowned Ismaili scholar, Shah Tahir Hussain Dakkani also fled from Kashan, and repaired to India. The Sufis were also not spared in Iran, who began to live under the cloak of the Twelvers.

The strict Shiite tendency in Iran had certainly forced the Ismailis to assume the mantle of the Twelvers to get rid of the executions. Weathering these stroms, it seems that Imam Abuzar Ali had gone into hiding for about seven years between 905/1500 and 912/1507, which can be ascertained also from the version of Khayr Khwah Herati's 'Tasnifat' (ed. W.Ivanow, Tehran, 1961, p. 52). Before leaving Anjudan for an unknown place, he had most possibly left behind his hujjat to act as a link between the Imam and the followers.

The Safavid family was active in making ground to emerge as a new power in Iran, tracing descent from Musa Kazim. The prominent head at that time was Shaikh Safi, or Safiuddin Abul Fath Ishaq Ardabili (1252-1334), who founded a Sufi order, known after him as the Safaviya at Ardabil in Azerbaijan. He died in 735/1334 and his order was continued by his son, Sadruddin Musa (1334-1391), and then by another son, Khwaja Ali (1391-1427). They deeply influenced most of the Mongol rulers and amirs. Ibrahim (1427-1447), the son of Khwaja Ali also continued the Sufi order founded by Shaikh Safi, but Junayd (1447-1460), the son of Ibrahim acquired some political power and introduced the doctrines of the Twelvers at the time of his death in 1460. He fought several times with the rulers of Kara-Koyunlu, but was killed at Shirwan. His followers continued to gain religious and political leads in Iran. Junayd's son married to Martha, a Greek princess, who bore Sultan Ali, Ibrahim and Ismail. His another son, Hyder (1460-1478) was killed, and other sons were arrested. Thus, only Ismail was survived, because Sultan Ali was also killed and Ibrahim had died very soon. Hence, the events continued to boost the rising of the Safavids during the time of Ismail. Gilan was the centre of the Safavid family. Ismail collected a small force and occupied Baku and Shamakha. He defeated Alwand, the prince of Ak-Kuyunlu dynasty, and captured Tabriz. He also inflicted defeat to the Mongolian ruler and was proclaimed as Shah Ismail and founded the Safavid dynasty in 905/1500 in Iran.
Nuruddin Shah, the younger brother of Gharib Mirza is said to have built a small village near Anjudan after his name, called Nurabad. He also built a defensive post and few small buildings. He erected a Sufi khanqah (cloister) of Abbas Shahi tradition for the local Sufis.

The Ismailis had continued their flocking at Anjudan, where Gharib Mirza confessed their offerings and blessed them with written guidances, bearing his signature and seal. It has since become a tradition in India to celebrate the day of rejoice with great pomp by commonalty and gentry alike when the pilgrims returned unscathed to their homeland.

While examining the traditions congealed around the adherents, it appears that the Ismaili history abounds with the instances of great sacrifices of the daring devotees. For illustration, a best-known Syrian tradition relates a touching anecdote that once a caravan embarked from Khwabi for Anjudan to see Gharib Mirza. At that time, the Safavids were emerging in Iran, therefore, the routes were insecure and the time was not ideal for travellers. When Gharib Mirza knew about the arriving caravan from Syria, he decided to send them back. The time was so critical that no messenger could carry any written order with him. Gharib Mirza at once sought the service of a fidai, who was made lain on the ground without a shirt. Imam got his official orders carved by a dagger on backside of his body with the help of a servant, addressing the Syrian Ismailis to return back at once. The heated copper seal of the Imam was stamped at the concluding part. The young fidai tolerated the pain patiently, and put on a black shirt. He spurred his horse at full gallop for an errand being fraught with danger and gave an ostensible impression of an ordinary man to the people. He succeeded to reach the caravan, whom he transmitted the Imam's orders verbally at first. When he was asked its veracity, he took off his shirt, stuck with the congealed blood, and turned around and made them read the orders of the Imam carved on his backside that, 'la ta'tu hazi'his sanh wa lakin fis sanh'til qadema la bud'd alaikum an ta'tu' i.e., 'you do not come this year, and come next year.' Looking the fidai who displayed a rare prodigies example of valour at great risk, tears welled up in their eyes and returned back soon with sad hearts.

Abu Ishaq Kohistani was a learned dai around this period. His name was Ibrahim, was from the district of Mominabad-i Kohistan in the province of Birjand. Nothing is known about his activities. He was however a writer, and it appears from his writings that he had studied the accessible literature of Alamut period. His famous work, 'Haft Bab-i Bu Ishaq' deals the recognition of the Imam with philosophical arguments on Ismaili tariqah. His another work, 'Tarikh-i Kohistan' is not traceable.

It is related that Gharib Mirza mastered the botanical field, and with his knowledge, the village of Anjudan was turned into a fertile tract. He mostly passed his whole life in Anjudan, and died in 902/1496. In Anjudan, near the mausoleum of Imam Mustansir billah II, there exists an old burial ground in the garden, the middle of which stands the mausoleum of Gharib Mirza. The wooden box (sanduq) contains Sura Yasin of Holy Koran. In one place, it is clearly written:- 'This is the wooden box (sanduq) of Shah Mustansir billah (i.e., Gharib Mirza), the son of Shah Abdus Salam. Written on the 10th of Muharram, 904/August 29, 1498.' From this one can conclude that this wooden box was erected about two years after the death of Imam Gharib Mirza.

It appears that the dawa system after the fall of Alamut was organised systematically in Anjudan period. According to the new system, the Imam was followed by a single hujjat, known as hujjat-i azam (the great proof), who generally resided at headquarters. The hujjat administered the framework of the mission and served as an assistant of the Imam. Next, there was a single category of dai at large, being selected from among the educated classes. The dais remained close in contact with the headquarters. The next lower rank was that of mu'allim (teacher), the head of the mission activities in a particular region. He was appointed by the hujjat. He was further assisted by ma'dhum-i akbar (the senior licentiate), who was empowered to make conversion at his disposal and judgement. Another assistant of the mu'allim was called ma'dhum-i asghar (junior licentiate), who held the lowest rank and could discharge his assignments only on receiving official permission from the mu'allim. The ordinary initiates (murids) were referred to as mustajib (respondent). On acquiring adequate training, a mustajib could be appointed by the mu'allim to the rank of ma'dhum-i asghar. It must be remembered that the aforesaid mission system was enforced in Iran, Badakhshan and Central Asia. In Hind and Sind, the tradition of the vakilhad been retained, corresponding to the office of the mu'allim.
In Central Asia, the ma'dhum-i akbar gradually became known as the pir, and ma'dhum-i asghar was known as khalifa. They stressed on the practice of zikr-i jalli, recitation of the qasida and the esoteric poems of Nasir Khusaro among the new converts.

In addition, the Ismailis held that the true essence of the Imam could be known at least to a few advanced followers in the community, and the hujjator the pir was, indeed, held to be almost the same essence as the Imam. Hence, the hujjat or pir, by virtue of his miraculous knowledge (mu'jiz-i ilmi), knew the true essence of the Imam, and was the revealer of the spiritual truth. Furthermore, the Ismailis recognized three categories of people in the world. Firstly, the opponents of the Imam (ahl-i tadadd). Secondly, the ordinary followers of the Imam (ahl-i tarattub), also known as ahl-i haq, who were also divided into the strong (qawiyan), comprised of the dais, mu'allims and ma'dhums, and the weak (da'ifan), restricted to the ordinary members of the community. Thirdly, the followers of union (ahl-i wahda), also called as the high elite (akhass-i khass).

Gharib Mirza seems to have left Shahr-i Babak few months after assuming Imamate. He seems to have repaired for about one year out of Shahr-i Babak, leaving behind his hujjat, called Badiuddin Khwaja Kassim, and at length settled down in Anjudan, most possibly in 900/1494. Pir Shihabuddin Shah (d. 1884) also writes in his 'Khitabat-i Aliyya' (pp. 42-43) that, ' The thirty-fourth Imam Abbas Shah (Gharib Mirza) was obliged to live for some time away from his ancestral home (watn-i maluf), i.e., Shahr-i Babak.' The reason of his absence was that the rambling bands of Chaghatays and Turkomans had once again gushed from Jurjan and Tabaristan after being supressed in 883/1478 by the Ak-Koynunlu commander, Sufi Khalil Beg. They plundered the surrounding localities of Kirman and Sirjan.
Anjudan (Injodan or Anjidan) is situated at the foot of relatively low rocky range, about 37 kilometers east of Arak (former Sultanabad) and about the same distance westward from Mahallat in central Iran. It is separated 35-40 kilometers with Kahek by a number of shallow ranges, and is also close to Qumm and Kashan. The Ismailis had begun their settlements slowly in Anjudan most probably during the time of Imam Mustansir billah II, and had taken there agriculture. It was the cradle land of the Ismaili mission in post-Alamut era. The Syrian Ismailis called Anjudan as 'the abode of the faithfuls' (dar al-mominin). It was simply walled to protect the populace in times of insecurity.

Gharib Mirza at length shifted to Anjudan and kept himself completely out of the vortex of politics, and passed a life of darwish, where he became known as Gharib Mirza i.e., 'an unknown stranger.' Earlier, he was generally known as Abbas Shah. He also applied the name Gharib Mirza in his writing in Anjudan. His eloquent power was impressive and sweet, and was highly respected among the local non-Ismaili orbits. He was a man of affable temperament and wide human sympathies which made him a popular figure in the locality. An anonymous manuscript dating about 1196/1782 cites the anecdote of a certain peasant, whom the Imam had gifted a piece of land in Shahr-i Babak, who in turn said, 'Sayed Gharib Shah is a generous like his ancestor, Imam Jafar Sadik.' He thus had set an example to the local people by an act of humanity and generosity which created a salutary effect upon his fellow-citizens.

The Sayeds in the line of Sayed Imam Shah (1430-1520) were known as Pirana Sayeds and the Sayeds of the mainstream of the community in the descent of Sayed Rehmatullah Shah were called Kadiwal Sayeds. There are different versions for the appellation of the word Kadiwal. It is related that Sayed Rehmatullah Shah, the son of Pir Hasan Kabir and his family members shortly lived in the village, named Kadhi, between Uchh and Multan, and then he had gone to live in a village, Kadi in the northern Gujrat on the route to Junagadh. Thus, his descendants became known as Kadhiwala, or Kadiwala. Another tradition suggests that the male members of the family of Sayed Rehmatullah Shah used to wear an iron band (kadi) round their arms, and therefore, they earned the title of Kadiwal (the people of iron band). It is also said that his descendants used to recited a couplet (kadi) of the ginan before the new converts, who called them as Kadi'wala (reciters of couplet). One oral tradition however indicates without a mark of veracity that Sayed Rehmatullah Shah, or his descendants had lived in the village called, Kaliyanwala, about 5 miles from Hafizabad in Punjab. This village was also pronounced as Kadiwala instead of Kaliyanwala, and thus, they were called Kadiwala Sayeds. It is also interesting to note that there is one village, about 15 miles from Gujranwala on the way to Dakhanmandi in Punjab, whose inhabitants were the followers of Pir Shams. It has been frequently described that Sayed Rehmatullah Shah had gone to live in a village, named Kadi in Kutchh, and became known as Kadiwal Sayeds. Culling up the accessible oral traditions, it seems however nearer to the possibility that Sayed Rehmatullah Shah and his descendants lived in a village, called Kadi in Gujrat. The Bohra community in Gujrat is known under the four regional terms, i.e., Patani Vohras, Charotar Vohras, Surati Vohras and Kadiwal Vohras. Likewise, the Ismaili Sayeds also became known most probably as Kadiwal Sayeds due to residing in Kadi, Gujrat.
The Kadiwal Sayeds carried on the mission in India for about 250 years. Some of them had retained their contact with the Imams in Iran, but some discontinued, and conducted the mission independently. Sayed Rehmatullah Shah mostly preached in Gujrat and Kutchh. Sayed Nurbaksh (1446-1504), the grandson of Pir Hasan Kabiruddin, also known as Sayed Mitha Shah in Punjab, is said to have preached in Jammu and Kashmir. He was assisted by his son Mir Shamsuddin II. Sayed Nurbaksh also visited Badakhshan, Kohistan, Tibet, Gilgit, Yarkand and Iskardu. His son was also active in Kashmir, and his followers became known as Shamsi, who migrated towards Punjab during 14th century. They preached Ismailism in the Sufic mantle and their Sufic tariqah became known as Nurbakhshia, also existed in Kohistan.

It appears fragmentarily that Mustansir billah had taken serious notice of the impairing economy of the Ismailis of Iran, Syria, India, Badakhshan and other parts of Central Asia. He emphasised his followers to assist one another, and thus he said: 'The real believer is one who assists and helps his brother in religion, who shares with him his food, his sorrow and joy, never admitting into his heart any malice or enmity, being one with him in word and deed. If one satisfies his hunger, the other's hunger must also be satisfied. If one remains hungry, the other should remain hungry too. If one eats something, the other should also partake of everything that his friend has eaten.' (vide 'Pandiyat-i Jawanmardi,' p. 56)

Badiuddin Khwaja Kassim was an eminent hujjat in Anjudan, who served as the chief of the Ismaili mission from the period of Mustansir billah to Gharib Mirza.

Mustansir billah was a good horseman and hunter and stayed in Anjudan as his summer villa, where a small number of his followers inhabited. He died in Kahek in 880/1475, but was buried in Anjudan, most probably in pursuant of his will. Later on, a mausoleum was erected in Anjudan. The mausoleum of Imam Mustansir billah II is the oldest surviving Nizari Ismaili monument in Anjudan; which is an imposing octagonal building with a dome, appearing conical from outside. In the middle of the chamber, there is a wooden-coffer, exquisitely carved. On its top is written:- 'The pure, sacred and luminous grave of Shah Mustansir billah. By the order and care of Abdus Salam.' A broad panel at the top edge on all sides is beautifully carved with the text of Sura Yasin of Holy Koran. At the bottom, there is written:- 'Wrote this the humble slave Abdul Jalil in 885/1480'. This tends to the conclusion that the wooden box was erected by the order of Abdus Salam, the son and successor of Mustansir billah, most probably five years after latter's death.