Hasan Ali Shah, known as Muhammad Hussain al-Hussaini Mahallati was born in Mahallat on 1219/1804, and assumed the Imamate at the age of 13 years in 1233/1817. His most renowned title was Aga Khan. Jafar Rahimtoola writes in 'History of the Khojas' (Bombay, 1905, p. 234) that his name was documented with Bombay Government as His Highness Aga Khan Mahallati. His name however in the Bill of 1830 had been written as Pirzada i.e., the son of a saint.
His mother Bibi Sarcar Mata Salamat was the daughter of Pir Mirza Muhammad Bakir. On moving to Yazd, Imam Khalilullah Ali had left his wife and children at Mahallat to live on the proceeds of the family holdings in Mahallat and Kahek. When she found herself insecure in Mahallat, she had gone to Qumm with his son and made necessary arrangement for his elementary schooling, where his tutor was Ali Muhammad Qummi. Hasan Ali Shah, the Aga Khan was a keen scholar in Islamic studies and Sufism was his favourite subject. He had also collected the works of the eminent Sufis of Iran, which he brought in India.
The governors of Mahallat and Qumm were inimical to the family of Imam Khalilullah Ali because of the regular thronging of the Indian pilgrims at his residence. According to 'Ibrat-i Afza', an autobiography of Hasan Ali Shah, 'The fortunes of the family were at low ebb when Imam Shah Khalilullah was killed in Yazd.' Hence, Bibi Sarcar Mata Salamat came to the court at Tehran with his son to seek justice. Her pleadings were immediately successful. Shah Fateh Ali ordered his governor of Yazd, Haji Muhammad Zaman Khan to arrest Hussain Yazdi and his gang. Not content with this retribution, he also invited Hasan Ali Shah at his palace and gave him due honour. Ahmad Mirza Adud'ud Dawla writes in 'Tarikh-i Adudi' (Tehran, 1908, p. 69) that, 'Finally, as conclusive sign of honour, Fateh Ali Shah gave one of his daughters, Sarv-i Jahan Khanum, in marriage to Hasan Ali Shah, allotting 23,000 tumans of wedding expenses.' Hasan Ali Shah had been also invested the honorific title of 'Aga Khan' in 1234/1818, including the governorship of Mahallat and Qumm.
It seems that the ceremony to award the title had taken place in Qasr-i Qajar in Tehran. J.M. Tancoigne had been in the palace in 1807, describing its location four miles north of Tehran, vide 'Narrative of a Journey into Persia' (London, 1820, p. 180). William Price also visited Tehran in 1817 and writes in 'Journal of the British Embassy to Persia' (London, 1925, pp. 38-9) that, 'The Takht-i Kajar, or Palace of Kajar, is a noble pile of building situated on an eminence, about half-way between Tehran and Sherman surrounded by beautiful gardens, to which an aqueduct conveys water from the mountains. The beauties of nature and art, richly blended, make this one of the most delightful residence in Persia.' Sir Robert Ker Porter (1777-1842) had also visited Qasr'i Qajar in 1818 when Hasan Ali Shah was being crowned the title. He was full of admiration and writes in 'Travels in Georgia, Persia, Armenia, Ancient Babylonia' (London, 1821, p. 335) that, 'It stands on an eminently pleasant point of the adjoining mountains, being built on a detached and commanding hill, on the great slope of the Elborz. The edifice is lofty, and when seen from a distance, presents a very magnificent appearance.'
In 1246/1834, the Syrian Ismailis received a devastating blow from an Ottoman expedition at the command of Ibrahim Pasha, who caused heavy damage to the Ismaili castles and villages. After a decade, an Ismaili chief amir Ismail bin Muhammad of Qadmus succeeded in restoring his authority over the large part of the Ismaili community. He procured close ties with the Ottoman authorities in the time of Sultan Abdul Majid I (d. 1277/1861). In 1843, amir Ismail bin Muhammad petitioned the Ottoman authorities to allow the scattered Ismailis to restore Salamia for their permanent settlement, which was granted. In 1850, the Ottomans also exempted the Ismailis from military service.
Nothing more is virtually known about the Aga Khan I between 1234/1818 and 1250/1834 except a few fragments. A glimpse of the Indian Ismailis of Kutchh in 1234/1818 can be however seen from a description of Captain James Macmurdo, the resident at Anjar, who writes in his 'Bombay Literary Transactions'(2nd vol., p. 232) that, 'The Khoja is a Mohammaden cultivator, and frequently make a pilgrimage to a spot eight days march to the north-west of Ispahan, where they worship a living Peer or Saint (the Imam) to whom they pay an annual tax on their property.' The Aga Khan seems to have been in close contact with the Indian Ismaili communities as is gauged from his different letters. One letter dated December 27, 1820 addressing to the jamats of Sind, Bombay, Kutchh, Surat and other places, stating that the Kamadia would deliver this letter to the jamats. Another letter on records of the Bombay Jamatkhana indicates a permission to build a new Jamatkhana at Bombay in 1820. There are few other letters of March, 1824, October 1825 and November, 1825 relating to the community affairs.
Hasan Ali Shah, the Aga Khan I led a peaceful life in Mahallat, and enjoyed honour at the Qajarid court until the death of Shah Fateh Ali. On 19th Jamada I, 1250/October 23, 1834, Shah Fateh Ali suddenly fainted and fell to the ground in his palace and died. He ruled 38 years, 5 months and 29 days. He was succeeded by his grandson, Muhammad Shah (1250-1264/1834-1848). The Aga Khan attended the coronation of Muhammad Shah in Tehran on January 31, 1835, where he happened to see Major Henry Rawlinson (1810-1895), vide George Rawlinson's 'Memoir of Sir Henry C. Rawlinson' (London, 1892, p. 52). The new king Muhammad Shah had consulted with his chief minister, Qaim-maqam Farahani (d. 1251/1835) and appointed the Aga Khan as the governor of Kirman in 1251/1835.
The Aga Khan returned back to Mahallat, and upon his arrival, the celebrated Qajarid penegyrist Habib, known as Qa'ani (1807-1854), composed a qasidaof fifteen lines, praising the exellences of the Imam, vide his 'Diwan' (Tehran, 1957, pp. 180-1), whose opening lines run as under:-
'Eternal life in the world were necessary, to sing one tenth of the Aqa Khan's praise.'
The province of Kirman was then in the hands of the rebellious sons of Shuja al-Saltana, a pretender to the throne, and it was also regularly raided by the Afghans and Baluchis. The Aga Khan diplomatically restored order in Kirman with his own resources. Both Bam and Narmashir held for a long time by the rebellions, were also taken back. The Aga Khan sent a report of his victories to Tehran, but he obtained no appreciative words due to the rumours that he was extending his influence in southern Iran. The Aga Khan had paid half the expenses incurred in the campaign upon the words of the prime minister, Mirza Aqasi that he might recoup himself from the revenues of that province, but the Aga Khan did not touch the revenues and made his claim in the aforesaid report. Despite his valuable services, his governorship was short-lived in Kirman.
In 1252/1837, about twenty months after his arrival in Kirman, the Aga Khan was replaced by another governor, Firuz Mirza Nusrat ad-Dawla, and was recalled to Tehran. Trusting on the rumours, Muhammad Shah also took field against the Aga Khan in command of Suhrab Khan. Instead of making an investigation, the king's militant stance had been a source of surprise to the Aga Khan. He had no other alternative but to take arms for defensive measures. The fortress of Bam near Kirman was then in the hands of the king's artillery men, who had betrayed their chief. The Aga Khan was able to occupy this fort without difficulty in September, 1937. He refused to withdraw with his forces from the citadel of Bam until the principal cause of the court intrigues followed by his dismissal was not shown to him. The Iranian empire turned a deaf ear to him. Rather, his defensive actions were branded a rebellion. Obviously, the accusations branded upon him were highly exaggerated. The Iranian chronicler, Rida Quli Khan Hidayat, for instance in 'Raudat-us-Safa'i Nasiri' (Tehran, 1922, 10th vol., p. 260) has lebelled the actions of the Aga Khan as an act of revolt. An important analyst of the fact will be able to judge how much truth there was in the biographical work, 'Ibrat-i Afza' (Tehran, 1946, p. 20) of the Aga Khan, in which he disclaimed any desire for temporal power and said: 'Through the grace of God and the blessing of my immaculate forefathers and ancestors, I am able, from the wide and lofty expanse of darwishhood, to disdain and despise all monarchy.' In sum, the Aga Khan was driven to desperate straits and had to take up arms in self-defence. He had however a large and substantial following in Iran. Had he chosen, he could have mustered a big army to shake the Qajarid throne, but he was loath to fight with the king for whom he had a regard.
The Aga Khan's dismissal from the governorship of Kirman is also occasioned by the rivalries for the headship of the Nimatullahi order in Iran. It is said that Muhammad Jafar, known as Majdhub Ali Shah (d. 1239/1823), the 38th qutb of the order was succeeded by Zain al-Abidin Shirwani, known as Mast Ali Shah (1196-1253/1782-1837). Once the Aga Khan, during Fateh Ali Shah's rule had given refuge to Mast Ali Shah in the village of Daulatabad, near Mahallat, who had escaped the violent persecution of the Shia ulema of Fars. During the coronation of Muhammad Shah, Mast Ali Shah, who had been enjoying the Aga Khan's hospitality at Mahallat, accompanied a certain Ismaili friend to Tehran. Muhammad Shah too, had certain Sufic loyalties, and joined the Nimatullahi order before his coronation. Soon afterwards, Mast Ali Shah came to know Haji Mirza Aqasi, the prime minister (sadr'i azam), as his powerful rival, who as Nimatullahi aspired to the leadership of the order. Muhammad Shah also accepted him as the qutb of the Nimatullahi order. It resulted Mast Ali Shah to incur the disfavour of the king, and was driven from the court. Since Aga Khan had continued to support his friend, Mast Ali Shah, he arose the enmity of Mirza Aqasi, who intrigued against him and caused his removal from the governorship of Kirman.
It is also said that a certain Abdul Muhammad Mahallati had demanded one of the daughters of the Aga Khan in marriage to his son, which was not accepted. Thus, Abdul Muhammad Mahallati, initially in the service of the Aga Khan, had risen to a high position in the service of Mirza Aqasi in Tehran, aroused him against the Aga Khan. In sum, Mirza Aqasi, the prime minister was responsible to have stirred up Muhammad Shah, the Qajarid king against the Aga Khan. E.G. Browne in his 'A Literary History of Persia' (London, 1930, 4th vol., pp. 147-9) also admits the bone of contention between the Aga Khan and the Iranian king due to the arrogant behaviour instigated by Mirza Aqasi, and concerning whom many ridiculous anecdotes are still current in Iran. However, kings are guided generally more by the prime ministers than by personal judgements, therefore, Mirza Aqasi being an old tutor of the king wielded more influence over him.
In the meantime, Rida Quli, the grandson of Fateh Ali Shah, had taken refuge with the British in Baghdad, reported alleged details of news to Palmerston through the British resident Col. Taylor, claiming that the Aga Khan had formed an alliance and mutual league with the people of Sistan and the army of Baluchis. This further gave weight upon the rumours to the so called rebellion of the Aga Khan.
In a letter to Viscount Falkland (1803-1884), the governor of Bombay, the Aga Khan had also disclosed on April 18, 1851 that, 'The cause of my having been blamed before was the hot disposition of Haji Mirza Aqasi who had obliged me to leave the Persian court.' According to Mohsin Saee in 'H.R.H. Prince Aga Khan's Visit to Iran 1951' (Karachi, 1953, p. 4), 'Haji Abdul Muhammad, out of treachery and meanness, poisoned the ears of some of the court ministers against Aga Hasan Ali Shah, who was ultimately constrained to migrate to India in 1841.' It must be remembered that Aga Khan III, the grandson of Aga Khan I had visited Iran in 1951 to attend the marriage of King Muhammad Reza Shah Pehlavi with Queen Sorayya, and during that occasion, the Iranian newspapers had highlighted the historical relation of the Aga Khan I with the Iranian empire, but none of them had referred to the term rebellion for the Aga Khan I. For instance, the daily 'Iqleem' of February 12, 1951 wrote: 'The wicked designs of Haji Mirza Aqasi, the then prime minister of Iran, proved an obstacle in promoting the relations of this glorious family with the royal family of Qajar. Not being inclined to perpetuate the struggle and thereby causing bloodshed, Aga Hasan Ali migrated to India.'
It is an undeniable fact beyond a least doubt that the Iran was an arena of the bigoted Shia mulla and theologians at that time, where an Ismaili Imam hardly rule the country in peace for a long time, and as such, the notion advanced by the authors that the Aga Khan I had revolted for capturing the Qajarid throne is absolutely untrue.
The animosity of the Qajarids became more and more virulent, therefore, the Aga Khan at once recalled his brother Sardar Abul Hasan Khan from Baluchistan, where he was conducting military campaigns, and his another brother Muhammad Bakir Khan from Rawar. He prepared to resist the royal forces. He was besieged 14 months at Bam, a town in the province of Kirman, about 120 miles south-east of the city of Kirman on the western edge of the great salt desert, Dasht-i Lut.
In a dispatch to Palmerston, the British minister Sir J. McNeill (1838-1841) from Tehran reported on September 28, 1837 that, 'The Aga Khan continues to hold out in the fortress of Bam, near Kerman, and had made some successful sorties against the besieging force', vide 'Correspondence Relating to Persia and Afghanistan' (London, 1839, p. 64). In January, 1938 the Aga Khan moved slightly in the south and occupied the fort of Kaheen, half way between Bam and Kirman. During the encounter, Muhammad Bakir Khan was seriously wounded and taken prisoner. On Faridun Mirza's intercession, who was then the governor of Fars, the Aga Khan emerged from the citadel of Bam, but he was arrested and his possessions had been sacked. He and his family members were transferred to the city of Kirman, where they remained for 8 months.
Thus, the Aga Khan was detained to house-arrest in Kirman, and during which time, he continued to see his followers of Badakhshan, Khorasan and India. H.B.E. Frere (1815-1884) cites an account of the Indian pilgrims in 'The Khojas: the Disciple of the Old Man of the Mountain' (MacMillan Magazine, vol. 34, 1876, p. 432) that, 'One witness in the Bombay trial gave a narrative of the pilgrimage of this kind that he made in 1836-37 to Kirman, where the Aga Khan at that time happened to be residing. The witness, his father and mother, a brother and two sisters, with a party of about 100 other Khoja pilgrims, sailed from Bombay to Bunder Abbas, a port on the Persian coast, near the outlet of the Persian Gulf. They had offerings with them, in money and rich stuffs, to the value of about 2000 sterling. They stayed some time at Bunder Abbas, waiting for other Khojas to collect them from other quarters before starting on their tedious and somewhat perilous journey of 21 days across the mountain ranges of southern Persia from Bunder Abbas to Kirman. At length, about 500 Khojas having collected from all parts at Bunder Abbas, the caravan was formed and they made their way to Kirman. There they were lodged, at the expenses of the Imam, in a large rude building, built round three sides of a great open court. They stayed in Kirman about a month or six weeks, during which period, having first made their offerings, they were admitted ten or twelve times to the presence of the Imam.' The Aga Khan, says the witness, 'sat on his musnud (seat), we beheld his face, kissed his hand, and retired.'
It is recounted that an Ismaili dai, Sayed Shah Zahur, the son of Sayed Karamali Shah visited Kirman from Yasin, and reported the Imam the services rendered by his father in Yasin and Punial. The Aga Khan I granted him a sealed letter, authorizing him to continue the mission after his father. Hence, he returned to Yasin, whose ruler was Mihtar Suleman Shah. With his untiring effort and efficiency, a large number of the people embraced Ismailism in Yasin and Punial. He was followed by his son, Sayed Bakir Shah during the rule of Gohar Aman (d. 1860), who was deadly against the Ismailis. His relation with Sayed Bakir Shah was also strained, therefore, the latter had to migrate Shagnan in 1829. Sayed Bakir Shah however continued his mission in Shagnan and Yarkand. Mir Shah, the ruler of Shagnan, however, stemmed his mission and killed him and his son, Sayed Karim Hyder, known as Sayed Shah Kalan. Both had been interred in Badakhshan.
It appears from different traditions that the virtual penetration of the Ithna Asharism in Gilgit took place around 955/1548, and we have observed hitherto that Raja Mirza Khan (1565-1600), the 7th ruler of Trakhan dynasty in Gilgit, had espoused Ithna Asharism. Later on, Mir Ayesho Khan II assumed the power and married to Shah Khatoon, the daughter of Abdal Khan of Skardu and Baltistan. Thus the matrimonial tie engendered close relation and communication between the people of Hunza and Baltistan. From the time of Mir Ayesho Khan II down to the period of Mir Saleem Khan II, the inhabitants of Gilgit and Hunza adhered to the Ithna Asharism for about 300 years. Mir Saleem Khan II is reported to have embraced Ismailism by the hands of a certain Ismaili dai of Badakhshan, called Sayed Shah Ardbil. Mir Saleem Khan however did not divulge his new faith and exercised taqiya for some political reasons until his death in 1240/1823. His son and successor, Mir Ghazanfar Ali Khan is said to have invited another Ismaili dai from Badakhshan, called Sayed Hussain Ardbil, the son of Sayed Shah Ardbil, so that the Ismailism could be thoroughly penetrated in Gilgit and Hunza during his period.
In 1255/1838, Mir Ghazanfar Ali Khan dispatched his emissary, Akhund Turab Ali to Badakhshan to bring Sayed Hussain Ardbil in this context. He also sent his vizir, Zinat Ali Shah to receive Sayed Hussain with great pomp at the outskirts of Hunza. The tradition has it that Zinat Ali Shah feted warm welcome to the Ismaili dai and became the first convert publicly. It however reprobated Akhund Turab Ali, who rushed back to Hunza quietly and aroused Mir Ghazanfar Ali Khan that the ruler should be enlisted as a first convert. Thus, Mir Ghazanfar Ali Khan did not embrace Ismailism and restricted the missionary activities of the Ismaili dai in his region. Sayed Hussain found the atmosphere not congenial, therefore, he quietly returned to Badakhshan.
In the meantime, Sayed Yaqut Shah, the son of Sayed Shah Abdur Rahim visited Kirman to see the Aga Khan I. His ancestors had propagated Ismailism in Badakhshan for considerable period, and some of them also ruled Wakhan and Zebak. Sayed Yaqut Shah disclosed a plan of his proselytising mission in Gilgit and Hunza, which met the approval of the Imam. At length, he arrived in Hunza in 1254/1838 after passing through Herat, Kokand and the valley of Sirikol. This time, Mir Ghazanfar Ali Khan treated the Ismaili dai with due consideration and embraced Ismailism. He was followed by his attendants and the inhabitants of Hunza. Sayed Yaqut Shah strode a brisk mission at full swing. Since his mission was spread over the territories of Turkistan, Badakhshan and Chitral, he was unable to prolong his stay in Hunza, and after 25 days of his arrival, he returned to his native land. He had however left behind some responsible elders in each village, known as the khalifa, who imparted the cardinal principles of the Ismaili doctrine to the new converts.
Meanwhile, Sayed Ghulam Ali Shah, the son of Sayed Hussain Ardbil also arrived in Hunza and joined the mission work spread by Sayed Yaqut Shah. He was also followed by other well-known dais, such as Khwaja Shah Talib, Mirza Ismail, Khwaja Shahid, etc.
Mir Ghazanfar Ali Khan died in 1281/1864 and was succeeded by his son, Mir Muhammad Ghazan Khan I, whose successor Mir Safdar Ali Khan had to take refuge in Shagnan during the British invasion in 1308/1891. The British commissioned his half-brother, Mir Muhammad Nazim Khan as the ruler of Hunza. He was followed by Mir Muhammad Ghazan Khan II and then Mir Muhammad Jamal Khan, the last Ismaili ruler of Hunza, who died in 1976. It must be known on this juncture that the entire area, including Gilgit, Hunza and Baltistan was known as Gilgit Agency till 1947. Sandwiched between the high peaks of Hindukush and Karakorum on the north and those of western Himalaya on the south, is called now the Northern Areas of Pakistan, which might also be called the Trans-Himalaya Districts of Pakistan. It covers an expanse of about 27,188 square miles, thickly populated by the Ismailis.
Meanwhile, Muhammad Shah returned from his unsuccessful campaign against Herat in 1254/1838, therefore, the Aga Khan was allowed to proceed to Tehran towards the end of 1254/1838. He presented his case before the king with innumerable evidences of his loyalty. T. MacKenzie, the British envoy, however, reported from Kharrak to the Secret Committee that, 'The Aga Khan was induced to surrender himself under solemn promises which were shamefully violated by the Persian government, and instead of being restored to his government, he was kept a prisoner at Tehran at the king's camp.' Finally, the Aga Khan was made free provided he retired peacefully to his family lands at Mahallat. It should be known that Mahallat means mahallas (quarters) of a town, which consisted of three separate villages. After a brief stay in Qumm, he did retreat to Mahallat, where he built a large fortified residential compound for his family and numerous dependents and pages.
Assured of his safety, the Aga Khan however found that he was being socially ostracised by the orders of his implacable enemy, Mirza Aqasi, and had to fight even for food. This fresh provocation embittered the situation. In the meantime, once again the cloud of rumours began to thicken in Tehran that the Aga Khan had built a palace with a huge army to extend his influence in southern Iran. It was exaggerated and ultimately took the shape of a report that the Aga Khan intended to rebel against the Qajarids. The Aga Khan, however, led a tranquil life at Mahallat for about 2 years following his dismissal from the governorship in Kirman. Early in 1256/1840, Muhammad Shah himself went to Dalijan near Mahallat on the pretence of recreation, to verify the truth of the rumours. At that time the Aga Khan was out of Mahallat for hunting. He however, sent his messenger to Mirza Aqasi, requesting for royal permission to proceed to Mecca for pilgrimage. Permission was granted and a first batch of Aga Khan's family including his mother and son were sent to Iraq. He himself then moved from Mahallat for ever in Rajab, 1256/September, 1840 with his brothers, nephews, and a number of relatives, dependents and followers.
The Aga Khan reached Yazd after leaving Mahallat. It is reported in Riach's diary of September 25, 1840 that, 'Bakhsh Ali Khan from Shiraz came to siege the Aga Khan, but he was defeated by the followers of the Aga Khan. Muhammad Shah, the king who was at that time in Ispahan, also sent two messengers to arrest the Aga Khan. The Aga Khan ordered both hands of one of them to be cut off which was done, the other by entreating mercy was not injured.' When the Aga Khan was on the borders of Kirman and Yazd, Bahman Mirza Baha ad-Dawla, the governor of Yazd, and the brother of the king, attacked with the royal force on Aga Khan's caravan, but was defeated in his incursion. Robert Grant Watson writes in 'History of Persia' (London, 1866, p. 333) that, Bahman Mirza had divided his force into three parts and thus gave an opportunity to the Aga Khan to defeat each detachment in detail. Among the first troops of Bahman Mirza, there were many who secretly held the tenents of Ismailis, the rest was that in the action which ensued, they went over in a body to Aga Khan, and their leader Isfendiar, was killed.
Several other skirmishes were also won by the Aga Khan before he arrived in Shahr-i Babak with the help of the local Ismailis. The citadel of Shahr-i Babak was in the hands of Kuhindil Khan of Kandhar, the governor of Shahr-i Babak, who had sought refuge in Iran in 1839 after the British invasion of Afghanistan. The Aga Khan, reinforced by a bulk of Ataullahi Ismailis, besieged Shahr-i Babak, forcing the Afghans to surrender.
By the end of 1840, the southern Iran had become a bed of hatching rebellions. It was however rumoured that an Iranian prince Suleman Mirza, residing at Baghdad, had arrived in Kirman to assist the Aga Khan. Even Ali Shah, the king's uncle, who was spreading his influence in the mountains of Fars, was also in contact to this effect with the Aga Khan. Muhammad Taki Khan, the chief of the Bakhtiyari tribe, and the governor of Khuzistan, also generated close ties with the Aga Khan with a view to help him against the Iranian empire. Meanwhile, Muhammad Shah failed to get his revenue in advance from Muhammad Taki Khan, and accused him of having supplied the Aga Khan with his means and resources, therefore, he was replaced by Ali Naqi Khan to the governorship. A.H. Layard, on the other hand writes in 'Early Adventures' (London, 1887, p. 322) that, when he was in the mountains, he received news that the Aga Khan was also supported by the British government. In sum, there is no foundation to believe that the Aga Khan had ever acquired aids from the rebellions of the southern Iran, or the British authority to engineer the so called rebellion against the Iranian empire. In December 31, 1841 after resuming his office in Tehran, the British agent McNeill had written to Aberdeen that, 'It may be almost unnecessary for me to add that the charges brought against the British government or its agents, of having secretly aided the Aga Khan, are without foundation, and the Persian government must have been deceived by its informants.'
The Aga Khan sent his brother Muhammad Bakir to Sirjan to acquire provisions, and himself retreated to Rumni, a village near Shahr-i Babak. After four days, a message arrived from Muhammad Bakir Khan that he had been encircled in the fortress of Zaydabad at Sirjan by a large Qajarid force under the command of the beglerbegi of Kirman, Fazal Ali Khan Qarabaghi. The Aga Khan set out at once and succeeded to relieve his brother.
In 1257/1841, the Aga Khan defeated the royal forces of 4000 at the command of Isfandiyar Khan, the brother of Fazal Ali Khan near Dashtab. In the interim, Fazal Ali Khan had collected a force of 24000 to compel the Aga Khan to flee from Bam to Rigan on the border of Baluchistan and followed the Aga Khan close upon his heels like a shadow, and blockaded the way to the Bunder Abbas. The Aga Khan found himself between the horns of a dilemma on that juncture and finally decided to move to southern Khorasan to Afghanistan. Starting at Rawar, he transversed the arid Dasht-i Lut to Qain. In June, 1841 Muhammad Shah sent Abdullah Khan, the commander of his artillery from Tehran with orders to burn and demolish the towns and villages that were suspected of assisting the Aga Khan. He also sent Khan Ali Khan, the governor of Lar against the campaign. In the meantime, Habibullah Khan, the governor of Yazd also came out to fight with the Aga Khan, with eight guns and a body of troops. Thus, the Aga Khan had been embosomed on all sides by his enemies. In a battle with Khan Ali Khan, he was repulsed, and had to fly to the mountains of Baluchistan. During the night, however, the Aga Khan returned the mountain with reinforcements and surprised the troops of Khan Ali Khan in ambushing upon them at full gallop and turned them back.
Accompanied by his brothers and many soldiers and servants, the Aga Khan proceeded eastward, and after having adventured on a long perilous journey through central Iran, he crossed the borders, and arrived at Lash in Afghanistan in 1257/1841, marking an end of the longer Iranian period of Ismaili Imamate. In sum, after facing heavy odds and finding himself out-numbered, the Aga Khan I forced his way through the king's army and reached Afghanistan. Naoroji M. Dumasia writes in 'The Aga Khan and his Ancestors' (Bombay, 1939, pp. 27-28) that, 'His exile from Persia was a loss to that country, but Persia's loss was the gain of the British Empire, and his comradeship in arms with the British army cemented the ties of friendship.....The part which the Aga Khan played as an ally of the British in that disastrous war was in every way worthy of the heroic deeds of the great martyrs of Islam whose blood flowed in his veins.'
The British had grown to be a paramount power in India in the course of the 18th and early 19th century. About the time that the Aga Khan was having troubles in Iran, the British were deeply involved in Afghanistan, and their efforts were aimed at establishing in Kabul a rule that would be friendly to Britain, and prevent the Russian influence penetrating the borders of India, that would possibly threaten the existence of British empire. The First Anglo-Afghan War, or First Afghan War (1255/1838 to 1258/1842), which is called for heavy sacrifices and untold hardship and suffering, was undertaken partly to counter the Russian advance in Central Asia and partly to place on the throne at Kabul the dethroned ruler, Shah Shuja, in place of Dost Muhammad (1791-1863). Thus, the British occupied Afghanistan on August 7, 1839, and placed Shah Shuja (1780-1842), the amir of Sadozai tribe on the throne of Kabul and Kandhar. Sir William MacNaghten (1839-1891) was designated as the British envoy at the court of Shah Shuja.
By the end of 1840, the signs of revolts among the Durrani and Gilzay tribes became apparent against the presence of the British in Afghanistan, and the puppet rule of Shah Shuja. Yar Muhammad Khan, the ruler of Herat also contemplated an attack on Kandhar, and had sent a secret mission to the Iranian governor of Mashhad for acquiring aids to expel the British from Afghanistan. Thus, the position of the British envoy, Major Elilliott D'arcy Todd (1808-1845) became impaired in Herat in spite of the treasures he had given to the ruler. In January, 1841 Yar Muhammad demanded further money which, Major Todd knowing his intrigues, refused to pay a penny more until Yar Muhammad gave him guarantee of good conduct, such as admitting a British garrison to Herat. Yar Muhammad refused and insisted on payment of the British subsidy as usual. Thus, Todd himself withdrew from Herat on February 10, 1841, resulting the British mission to Herat ended in failure. The internal risings in Kandhar however were put down by the British commander, General Nott in consultation with Major Henry Rawlinson (1810-1895). The British position in Kandhar, nevertheless, was yet insecure.
Inside Afghanistan, the Aga Khan began to trek from Girishk to Kandhar. On August 6, 1841 the intelligence from Girishk reached Rawlinson, reporting the arrival of the Aga Khan and his hundred horsemen. Rawlinson in turn informed to MacNaghten of the Aga Khan's influence and of his importance as an Iranian refugee in Afghanistan. Henceforward, a close relation developed between the Aga Khan and the British. From Girishk, the Aga Khan had reported his arrival to Muhammad Taymur, the Birtish appointed governor of Kandhar, and also to Major Henry Rawlinson. Soon after his arrival in Kandhar, the Aga Khan sent a letter on October 21, 1841 to Sir William MacNaghten (1839-1891), the British envoy at Kabul, expressing his reasons for leaving Iran that, 'Since the conduct of the Iranian government has been so opperssive that all the respectable people and nobles of Iran, particularly those of Iraq, Fars and Kirman have been reduced to vexatious misery, the whole body of the learned men, governors and chiefs induced to throw off the yoke of the Iranian allegiance and protect the wretched people.' The Aga Khan stayed on as a guest of Muhammad Taymur at Kandhar. He lived very extravagantly in a large house with all his horsemen and servants, and received his allowances monthly from the Afghan revenues, that is 500 rupees for himself and 25 rupees for his each horseman. The number of horsemen he had brought with him was hundred, but later on the number was increased to three hundreds.
The internal revolts in Kandhar were put down by October, 1841 by Nott, in which Akram Khan, the chief of Durrani tribe was executed, resulting a disaffection among the other tribes, and a very serious outbreak took place at Kabul too in November, which gradually spread to Kandhar. The British position became critical and in the ensuing struggle, the Aga Khan as the ally of the British, was necessarily involved. Rawlinson also made use of the Aga Khan's influence among the Shiite group, to bring about the success.
In November, 1841, the eastern Gilzays broke into revolt near Kabul in protest against the reduction of their allowances, and occupied the passes on the road to Jalalabad, plundered and cut off the communications of Kabul. On November 2, the insurrection broke out in Kabul and Sir Alexander Burnes (1805-1841), MacNaghten's deputy was murdered. The British lost control of Kabul. MacNaghten tried to negotiate with the raiders, but on December 23, he was too murdered and the condition of the British at Kabul became very critical.
The insurrection spread slowly towards Kandhar. Muhammad Ata Khan was sent by the Kabul party to win the Durranis, and thereby raised an insurrection in Kandhar. To encounter this move, Rawlinson also tried to win the favour of the Durranis against the revel Barakzais. But on December 27, a force of Janbas murdered their British officer, Lieut. Colding at Kandhar. Meanwhile, Safdar Jang, a brother of Muhammad Taymur also joined the Durranis. To put down the rising, William Nott (1782-1845) on January 12, 1842 fought with the rebels and defeated them. The Aga Khan had also joined Nott and Rawlinson in the skirmish of Killashek with his 100 horsemen. One of the Aga Khan's men was killed and few others were wounded. Rawlinson, in his report on the Aga Khan mentioned, regarding the event of January 12, that, 'On this occasion, Agha Khan, having volunteered the services of his hundred men, was present and was engaged in skirmishing with the enemy.'
After two months, the rebel group near Kandhar, prepared for a big incursion under the direction of Mirza Ahmad. The British were in a difficult state. Money was scarce and so was fodder for the cattle. There were no medicines for the wounded in the camp. On March 7, 1842, Nott resolved to give a severe blow to the rebels. On this occasion, Rawlinson in consultation with Nott formed a Parsiwan troop, with the horsemen of the Aga Khan and other Shia chiefs, Nabi Khan and Mirza Ibrahim and placed altogether 300 cavalry under the command of the Aga Khan. Nott with his forces marched out of Kandhar in pursuit of the enemy and some small skirmishes took place on March 9. On the following day, Nott continued his onwards marching. Captain Neill, an eye-witness, in his book, 'Recollections' (p. 179) mentioned, 'A small body of cavalry, commanded I believe, by Meerza Ahmed, who was kept out to employ and deceive us, molested our rear for a short time; they were, however, driven back by Aga Khan, a Persian refugee Prince, who with about two hundred (it was 300) followers, had accompanied our force from Candahar, and rendered our rearguard some very valuable assistance.' Rawlinson in his report, dating December 20, 1842 to Governor General, also mentioned that the services at that time of the Aga Khan were such consequence, 'that the general thought him deserving of special notice in the report that was forwarded to the government on the occasion.' As the year 1258/1842 progressed, the state of Afghanistan still remained more critical. In July, Kandhar and Jalalabad were still under the British advanced posts, and the intervening valleys and defiles were in the hands of the Afghans.
Meanwhile, Lord Ellenborough (1841-1844), the Governor-General had arrived in India in succession to Auckland and he decided that the British troops should evacuate Afghanistan. In July, 1842 the Aga Khan too learned the evacuation programme of the British. Nott with his troops retreated via Ghazna, Kabul and Jalalabad, and the remaining troops were to return to India via Quetta and Sukkur. The charge of Kandhar was left in the hands of Safdar Beg. The Aga Khan also proposed to accompany the forces retiring to India.
The Aga Khan I in SindAfter the departure of the British forces from Kandhar on August 9, 1842 for Quetta, the Aga Khan stayed on in Kandhar for about six weeks with Sardar Sherdil Khan. Rawlinson who sympathised with him, had advised him to retreat to India. Hence, the Aga Khan reached Quetta on October 5, 1842 and then went to stay with the Khan of Kalat, Mir Shahnawaz Khan for more than a month. Before he left, he had been given a letter of recommendation to Sir Charles Napier (1782-1853) by MacNaghten. By the end of November, the Aga Khan reached Sukkur and met Sir Charles Napier, who had been commissioned a general officer to the supreme civil, political and military control of both upper and lower Sind by Lord Ellenborough on August 26, 1842. In January, 1843, the Aga Khan went with Napier to the British camp at Bhiria and then to Hyderabad with his sixty horsemen. In Hyderabad, he was employed in the British service during the battles of Miami and Dubba.
Sind, about 50,000 square miles in extent, had a population of little over a million in the time of the Mirs. H.T. Lambrick writes in 'Sir Charles Napier and Sind' (London, 1952, p 14) that, 'The great majority of concurred in the opinion that Sind was crushed by the oppressive government of the Mirs, a selfish, ignorant, and bigoted despotism, delibrately calculated to prevent that development of the country which its great natural resources deserved.' During the Anglo-Afghan War, the Mirs of upper and lower Sind had allowed the British forces to pass through their territories. In 1840, James Outram was appointed as the British political agent to the Mirs of lower Sind in place of Henry Pottinger. Outram was also made political agent of upper Sind in place of Ross Bell in 1841. Sir Charles Napier held many meetings in December, 1842 and January, 1843 with the Mirs for the negotiations. However, on January 11, 1843, Napier stormed the deserted fortress of Imamgarh. The Baluchi tribes of one of the Mirs were embittered and on February 14, 1843, attakced the British residency in Hyderabad. On February 17, Napier marched with his forces on Hyderabad and defeated the Mirs of Hyderabad, Khairpur and Mirpur in the battle of Miami. The Mirs of upper and lower Sind surrendered except Mir Sher Muhammad of Mirpur. On March 26, 1843, at the battle of Dubba, Napier defeated Sher Muhammad, and the annexation of Sind to the British territories was formally announced on August, 1843. In Sind, the Aga Khan placed his cavalry at the disposal of the British, and tried to convince Nasir Khan, the then Talpur amir of Kalat, to cede Karachi to the British. Nasir Khan refused to cooperate, the Aga Khan disclosed his battle plan to James Outram. As a result, the British camp was saved from a night attack. For his valuable services, the Aga Khan was granted an annual pension of
After the conquest of Sind in 1259/1843, the British attempted to subjugate neighbouring Baluchistan, in which the Aga Khan again helped them militarily and diplomatically. From Jerruk, where the Aga Khan was staying after February, 1843, he contacted the various Baluchi chieftains, advising them to submit to the British rule. He also sent his brother Muhammad Bakir Khan together with a number of his horsemen to help the British against Mir Sher Khan, the Baluchi amir. Soon afterwards, the Aga Khan I was given a post in Jerruk to secure the communications between Karachi and Hyderabad. Charles Napier writes in his diary on February 29, 1843 that, 'I have sent the Persian Prince Agha Khan to Jherruk, on the right bank of the Indus. His influence is great, and he will with his own followers secure our communication with Karachi. He is the lineal chief of Ismailians, who still exist as a sect and are spread all over the interior of Asia.'
H.T. Lambrick writes in 'Sir Charles Napier and Sind' (London, 1952, p. 157) that, 'Bands of Baluchis had plundered most of the wood and coal stations on the Indus, interrupted the mail route to Bombay via Cutch, and also the direct road to Karachi, whence supplies and artillery had been ordered up. With a view to reopening communications with Karachi, Sir Charles sent the Agha Khan to take post at Jherruk with his followers, some 130 horsemen.' On March 23, 1843, the Aga Khan and his horsemen were attacked by the Jam and Jokia Baluchis, who killed some 70 to 72 of his followers, and plundered 23 lacs of rupees worth of the Aga Khan's property. Napier, in April and May, 1843, sent warnings to the Jam and Jokia Baluchis, asking to return the plunder of the Aga Khan and surrender. In May, 1843, Napier ordered his commander at Karachi to attack and recover the property of the Aga Khan, which was done.
The encounter of Jerruk had been equated by the Aga Khan I, according to the native informations, with that of the event of Karbala. In Jerruk, some 70 to 72 Ismaili fidais had sacrificed their lives in fighting with the enemies of their Imam, and their dead bodies were buried on that spot. According to the report of 'Sind Observer' (Karachi, April 3, 1949), 'Seventy dead bodies of Khojas buried 107 years ago at Imam Bara in Jherruck town, 94 miles by road north-east of Karachi, were found to be fresh on being exhumed recently in the course of digging the foundation for a new mosque for the locality, a Sind government official disclosed on Saturday. The bodies which lay in a common grave were again interred another site selected for the mosque. The Khojas were believed to have been murdered in a local feud 107 years ago according to local tradition in Jherruck.'
It was with the approval of the British government that in 1260/1844, the Aga Khan sent Muhammad Bakir Khan to capture the fortress of Bampur in Iranian Baluchistan. Later, he also sent his other brother, Sardar Abul Hasan Khan, who finally occupied Bampur and won other successes in Baluchistan, while Muhammad Bakir had been relieved to join the Aga Khan in India.
The Aga Khan built his residence at Jerruk, resembling the style that of the Mahallat. Jerruk, a town about 89 miles and 2 furlongs from Karachi via Gharo, Thatta and Soonda; is 150 feet high from the Indus level, having two hills blanketing the town from two sides. About 300 to 350 Ismailis lived in Jerruk, and the Aga Khan I made it his headquarters.
Meanwhile, the Aga Khan quitted Jerruk, and proceeded to Kutchh via the port of Karachi on Ramdan, 1260/October, 1844, which was his first marine trip. Maharao Shri Deshalji, the ruler of Kutchh feted him with due consideration at Kutchh Mandvi, and took him to Bhuj and gave him a state bungalow for his stay. The Aga Khan then moved to Kathiawar, where Jam Saheb Shri Ranmalji received him in Jamnagar. For a year, thereafter, he travelled through Kathiawar and came to Bombay via Surat and Daman on December 16, 1845 and was well received with the cordial homage of the whole Ismaili population of the city and its neighbourhood.
Soon after his arrival in Bombay, the Iranian government demanded Aga Khan's extradition from India, citing the Anglo-Persian Treaty negotiated between Iran and India on November 25, 1814, which reads: 'Should any Persian subject of distinction showing signs of hostility and rebellion take refuge in the British Dominions, the English Government shall, on intimation from the Persian Government, turn him out of their country, or, if he refuses to leave it, shall seize and send him to Persia.' The British India was placed on the horns of a dilemma. It could not, on the one hand, risk a breach of the friendly relation established with Iran, and on the other, surrender to his enemies one who regardless of personal losses and risk of life, had stood by the British as a faithful ally in their greatest hour of trial. At length, however, through the intervention of the British envoy, it was agreed that the Aga Khan should be allowed to remain in India provided he stayed at Calcutta from where he could not be a menace to the Iranian government as from Sind. The government of India wrote to Superintendent of Mysore Princes and ex-Amirs of Sind, a letter which reads:- 'It having been determined upon political considerations that the Persian nobleman Aga Khan Mahallati, shall be required to reside for the present in Bengal. I am directed to inform you that the President in Council considers that it will be expedient to fix the Aga's residence in the vicinity of Calcutta and to place him under your care. Aga Khan of Mahallati is a nobleman of high rank and allied to the royal family of Persia. He is in the receipt of an allowance of Rs. 3000 per mensem from the British government for services rendered in Afghanistan and in Sind.'Thus, the Aga Khan was naturally reluctant to go to Calcutta on April 19, 1847 with his 52 followers. After crossing Poona, Ahmadnagar and Khandesh, he reached Indore on June 1, 1847. The British railway had not yet come to India and the journey from Bombay to Indore was overland. The Aga Khan's men suffered terribly; three died on the way to Indore. Seven arrived at Indore with severe fever and two died there. The Aga Khan also underwent an eye operation at Indore, and left it on June 18, 1847 for Agra, where he procured boats for Calcutta, and reached there some time in August.
Sir Orfeur Cavenagh (1821-1891) had arranged for a house at Dumdum (where the city's airport is now) in Calcutta under the care of Bengal Presidency. The Aga Khan I was however in a new city surrounded by strangers. In June, 1848, the Aga Khan I fell ill, and was sent to hill station, and in July, the residence of the Aga Khan was shifted to Chinsurah in Calcutta. He had to stay in Calcutta for 18 months until the death of Muhammad Shah in 1264/1848. He learnt of this after one month, and immediately approached Maddock, that he should be allowed to return to Iran. The reason for enforcing his detention was now virtually at end. The Aga Khan I desired to be furnished with facilities to return to Bombay. On December 6, 1848, the Indian Government agreed to send the Aga Khan to Bombay. He quitted Calcutta on December 8, 1848 with his wife and a suite of 40 retainers, in the Peninsular and Oriental Steamer, Lady Mary Wood, which sailed from Calcutta and reached Bombay on December 26, 1848.
In the meantime, Amir Ismail bin Ahmad of Kadmus, the local Ismaili leader in Syria, had been permitted by the Ottoman authorities to settle permanently with his people in an area east of the Orontes river. These arrangements were evidently confirmed by a decree of Sultan Abdul Majid I (1255-1277/1839-1861), dated Shaban, 1265/July, 1849. Amir Ismail bin Muhammad chose the ruins of Salamia as the site of his new Ismaili settlement. In 1266/1850, the Ottomans granted a further favour to the Ismaili settlers and exempted them from military conscription and taxation. An increasing number of Ismailis from the western mountains gradually joined the original settlers in Salamia, attracted by the prospect of receiving free land in a district where they would furthermore be neither taxed nor conscripted. By 1277/1861, it had become a large village.
On arriving in Bombay, the British made a fresh effort to win permission for his return to Iran, while the Aga Khan had also written a letter about it to the new Iranian king, Nasiruddin Shah's chief minister, Amir Kabir, who proved less responsive than his predecessor, insisting that the Aga Khan would be arrested at the borders as a fugitive. After the execution of Amir Kabir in 1268/1852, the Aga Khan made a final plea to return to his homeland, and sent Nasiruddin Shah an elephant and a giraffe as gifts. He also sent gifts to Amir Kabir's successor, Mirza Aqa Khan Nuri, who was a personal friend of the Aga Khan. Some of the Aga Khan's family estates in Iran were then restored to the control of his relative, but the new minister was unable to arrange for his return. Meanwhile, the Bombay Government approached the Aga Khan to get a definite answer regarding his stay. On September, 1850, the deputy Secretary in the Iranian Department of Bombay personally asked the Aga Khan, who stated that he was willing to stay in Bombay. The members of the India Board also approved it on January 22, 1851. In April 17, 1851, the Bombay Government apprized the Aga Khan of the decision of the court directors. The Aga Khan on April 18, 1851 wrote a letter to Bombay Government, expressing his gratitude.
In India, the Aga Khan retained his close relation with the British empire. On a rare occasion, the Aga Khan was visited in his Bombay home, the Aga Hall, by the Duke of Edinburgh, the future king Edward VII (1901-1910), as Prince of Wales, during a state visit to India, and held a long talk with him. The two sat in front of a portrait of Shah Fateh Ali, the emperor of Iran, whose daughter the Aga Khan had married. The Prince of Wales inspected the Aga Khan's cups won on the Indian turf and his son's trophies of the Indian chase, and talked over some of the events of a life as varied and adventurous as that of the Aga Khan's ancestor, who seven centuries ago wrote to Leopold, Duke of Austria, urging the release of Richard Coeur de Lion, then a prisoner in the hands of Leopold at the time of the Crusades. In sum, it was an honour which, with the exception of the leading ruling princes, was accorded to no other nobleman and was acknowledged of his princely birth and the admirable services he had rendered to the British government. Writing on the historic visit, Sir Bartle Frere said, 'There can be little doubt that the visit has been described and discussed in many a meeting of the Aga Khan's followers in India, Persia and Arabia - on the remote shores of Eastern Africa, and in still more inaccessible valleys of Central Asia, and it will doubtless find a place in the annals of this singular sect for many centuries to come.'
The Aga Khan thus received government protection in British India as the spiritual head of the Shia Ismaili Muslims, which solidified his position and helped him in the exercise of his authority. During three decades of residency in Bombay, he exerted a great deal of direct control over the Ismaili community, and organised the community more progressive under the network of leaders and officers.
Kutchh in the meantime, reported to have gripped in a dust bowl, followed by a terrible famine, and as a result, a retinue of ten thousand Ismailis tracked down in Sind. On the instructions of Governor General, Sir Charles Napier granted them permission to settle down at Mullah Khatiar (Matli), and most of the Ismailis also migrated to Karachi.
Bibi Tahira, commonly known as Sayeda Imam Begum was the last known member of the Kadiwal family during the period under review in India. She was born most probably on 1199/1785 in Kera, Kutchh. She made her first public appearance when Bibi Sarcar Mata Salamat (1744-1832) visited India in 1245/1829 and is reported to have joined her from Karachi to Jerruk and Bombay. Sayeda Imam Begum at length chose to settle in Bombay in 1246/1830. She used to organise the gathering of the Ismaili women in the jamatkhanas to discuss on the ginans. She also visited Kutchh and Sind around 1253/1837 and resided at Karachi. She is also reported to have visited Bombay in 1257/1841 and had an audience of the Aga Khan I in 1261/1845. It is recounted that she again came to Karachi in 1276/1860, where she died in 1282/1866. Sayeda Imam Begum was famous for her piety and learning and composed many ginans, and was the last among the ginan composers in India. For further detail, vide 'Sayyida Bibi Imam Begum' ('Hidayat', Karachi, July, 1989, pp. 16-21) by Mumtaz Ali Tajddin S. Ali.
The Aga Khan I had to face periodical troubles from certain dissident members of his community. In 1243/1827, while the Aga Khan was in Iran, a group led by Habib Ibrahim in Bombay refused to pay tithe and forced others to do so. The leaders of the Bombay jamat made a report to the Aga Khan in Iran about it at the end of 1244/1828. The Aga Khan, in order to overcome this opposition, sent to Bombay as his agent, Mirza Abul Kassim, who was accompanied by the Aga Khan's mother, Bibi Sarcar Mata Salamat (1744-1832) in 1245/1829. It was in the course of these proceedings that Mirza Abul Kassim filed a suit on behalf of the Aga Khan against the dissidents in Bombay High Court. The suit, however, was not processed and withdrawn on July 22, 1830. The recusants were summoned in the jamatkhana, which proved no responsive, and as such, Habib Ibrahim and eleven other persons had been outcast from the community in 1246/1830, who were then known as Bar Bhai (twelve brethren). After five years, in 1251/1835, they were re-admitted conditionally, who had however laid a root of a dissident group.
The Aga Khan arrived in Bombay on December 16, 1845. He had to leave Bombay for Calcutta, and returned to Bombay on December 26, 1848. Consequently, the Aga Khan's absence for 18 months emboldened the dissident gang to engineer propaganda against him. When the Aga Khan was yet in Calcutta, a fresh litigatiion, known as Sajan Mehr Ali Case was carried in 1263/1847, in which the question of the rights of female inheritance among the Ismailis was brought before the Supreme Court of Bombay. Sir Erskine Perry (1821-1893), the Chief Justice presided over the Khoja Inheritance Case of a certain Hirbai and Sonabai. In this case, the Aga Khan was represented by his brother, Muhammad Bakir Khan (d. 1296/1879), who endeavoured to uphold the rule of inheritance according to the Holy Koran. The dissident group, Bar Bhai was active in supporting the argument of the defendant. This case led to fresh feuds among the community. The Bar Bhai group began to broadcast aggressive propaganda against the Aga Khan, and in view of their unwillingness to acknowledge the Aga Khan's spiritual authority, they had been ex-communicated in 1264/1848. Henceforward, the basic issue of the tithe originated in 1243/1827 became submerged by the petty quibbles. The other issues challenged the Aga Khan's authority, and claimed themselves as the Sunni Khojas, stressing that the Ismaili Khojas had been Sunnis since their conversion to Islam by Pir Sadruddin. They also built their own separate prayer-hall and grave-yard in 1266/1850.
On November 13, 1850, a tragic event arose between the Ismailis and the Sunni Khojas in the prayer-hall in Bombay. On the last day of the commemoration of Muharram, four Sunni Khojas were killed, 19 of the Ismailis were tried in the criminal court and four were hanged on December 18, 1850.
On October 20, 1861, when the dissenting Khojas publicly joined the Sunni fold, the Aga Khan issued a decree in which he expressed his desire to bring the Ismailis to conform to the practices of the Shia Imami Ismaili creed of his holy ancestors, regarding marriage ceremonies, ablutions, funeral rites etc. The decree ended thus, 'He who may be willing to obey my orders shall write his name in this book that I may know him.' Copies of the decree were kept at the house of the Aga Khan's son in Bombay for signatures and were circulated in Sind, Kathiawar, Kutchh and Zanzibar. Except for a handful persons in Bombay and Kathiawar, an almost unanimous acceptance was received from the Ismailis. The loyalty of the Ismailis for their Imam can be gauged from the reaction of the Bhuj jamat at Kutchh, who sent a letter dated January 2, 1862 in reply to the communication sent by the plaintiffs as illustrated by E.I. Howard to the Hon'ble Court. It reads: 'We are upon the right side, but should His Lordship Aga Khan ask for the signatures, we are ready to give thousand times a day. Whatever order comes from him, we are bound to obey.' Observing the above letter, Justice Sir Joseph Arnold (1814-1886) remarked: 'This is a very decided letter; at any rate, there can be no mistake about that.' (cf. 'The Shia School of Islam and its Branches', Bombay, 1906, p. 93).
In the meantime, Mukhi Alarakhia Sumar and Kamadia Khaki Padamsi (d.1877) called a meeting in Bombay Jamatkhana on August 16, 1862. Habib Ibrahim and his son Ahmad Ibrahim and few others were also summoned, but none of them attended the meeting. Thus, a notice of 21 days was served to them, effective from August 23, 1862 but of no avail. At length, they all had been expelled from the Khoja Ismaili community for ever.
The seceders formed a group, called The Reformers' Society, who refused to acknowledge the Aga Khan as their religious head and tried to withhold from his properties dedicated to him by his followers, and finally filed a suit in April, 1866 against the Aga Khan in the Bombay High Court. This case, generally known as The Aga Khan Case or The Khoja Case was heard by Sir Joseph Arnold (1814-1886). The Plaintiff of the case were Daya Mahomad, Mahomad Saya, Peer Mahomad Kassim and Fazal Ghulam Hussain with H.M's Advocate General as nominal complainant. The Defendants were the Aga Khan I, Mukhi Alarakhia Sumar, Kamadia Khaki Padamsi, Mahomad Peer Bhai, Nur Mahomad Rajpal, Ali Bhai Jan, Habib Ibrahim, Muraj Premji, Dharamsi Punja, Aasu Gangji, Dossa Ladak, Nanji Alloo and Mahomad Yousuf Murgay, Qadi of the Mahomadans of the Town and island of Bombay. The court's proceedings lasted for 25 days after which the Judge settled down to examine and study the mountain of evidences and seek enlightenment in history. Sir Joseph Arnold had indeed a hard task sifting the evidence, separating facts from a lot of legal chaff. On November 21, 1866, Justice Arnold rendered a detailed verdict against the plaintiffs. The result was a lengthy and well argued judgment which decided, once for all, that the Khoja community 'is a sect of people whose ancestors were Hindu in original, which was converted to, and has throughout abided in, the faith of the Shia Imami Ismailis, which has always been and still is bound by ties of spiritual allegiance to the hereditary Imams of Ismailis.' This judgement unequivocally confirmed the Aga Khan as the spiritual head of the Khoja Ismaili community and legally established the Islamic root and identity of the Shia Ismaili Muslims.
During the Aga Khan case at Bombay, some eminent Ismailis had rendered valuable services to the community in all affairs, the most prominent among them were Ismail Kherraj, Sharif Gangji, Mukhi Alarakhia Sumar, Kamadia Khaki Padamsi etc. The Aga Khan I recognised them as Ismaili fidais and Ismaili soldiers. They were known as the Panje Bhai (one who shakes hand) to distinguish them from the Bar Bhai (twelve brethren) and originated the tradition of Panje Bhai Club in the community.
The Aga Khan I seems to have left behind his memoirs in Persian, entitled 'Ibrat-i Afza', relating to the events of the youth and his encounters with the Qajarid regime in Iran, also covering his migration to Afghanistan and then to India down to the period of 12th Safar, 1262/January 29, 1846. According to W.Ivanow (1886-1970), it was actually written on behalf of the Aga Khan I by Mirza Ahmad Wiqar Shirazi (1820-1881), the son of the famous poet Visal (d. 1262/1846), who stayed briefly with the Aga Khan in Bombay in 1266/1850. It was lithographed in Bombay in 1278/1862, and reprinted with the numerous typographical errors by Bawa Nazar Ali Karimdad, who got its translation into Urdu, and made its Gujrati translation in 1281/1865. The unedited Persian text was published by Hussain Kuhi Kirmani at Tehran on 1325/1946, and was also published in 'Aga Khan Mahallati wa firqa'i Ismailia'by M. Sa'i in Tehran in 1329/1950. Hence, the originality of the book seems to have been completely lost due to the alterations made by the partisans of Nimatullahi order, and the accessible printed copies attributed of being a genuine work of the Aga Khan I is the remotest.
The fact that the Aga Khan I had a large following outside India was brought to light by Sir Thomas Douglas Forsyth (1827-1886) in 'Report on a Mission to Yarkand, Calcutta, 1875', who in the time of Lord Richard Southwell Bourke Mayo (1822-1872), had led a deputation from Lahore to Yarkand in 1869, and he was also sent to the mission of Kashgar in 1873. The members of Sir Douglas Forsyth's mission ascertained that these Ismailis formed the whole of the sparse population in many of the valleys leading down from the Pamir, the elevated 'roof of the world', on the banks of the higher Oxus, and its affuents - in Chitral, Gilgit, and in remote valleys between Kafristan and Badakhshan.
The Aga Khan I spent his final years peacefully in Bombay, with seasonal stay in Poona, and sometime in Banglore. While on visits to Banglore, he had formed a friendship with the then ruler of Travancore, and subsequently represented that important state in Bombay. He used to visit the Indian communities all over India. He invariably attended the Jamatkhana every morning at Bombay and lectured on the moral and religious precepts they should follow. He used to recite some passages of the Holy Koran in Arabic and then explain them in Persian. Next to him would stand a man who understood Persian but also knew Sindhi, who would translate the Imam's words into Sindhi. With a taste for oriental splendour, he established an imposing residence on Malabar Hill overlooking the sea and installed his family in equally sumptuous houses around him. The affairs of the community were conducted from Aga Hall, a magnificent palace with separate library and staff quarters, set in fine parkland and enclosed by a high wall.
Apart from his three wives, four sons and six daughters, the Aga Khan I also looked after a thousand or more relatives and retainers who had come with him from Iran. His elder son was Aqa Ali Shah, who succeeded him. The second son was Aga Jhangi Shah (d. 1314/1896), whose sons were Zayn al-Abidin Shah, Shamsuddin Shah and Shah Abbas; and Haji Bibi and Shahzadi Begum were his daughters. The third son of the Aga Khan I was Aga Jalal Shah (d. 1288/1871), who had two sons, viz. Muchul Shah and Kuchuk Shah, and two daughters, Shah Bibi and Malek Taj Begum. Akbar Shah (d. 1322/1905) was the fourth son, whose two sons were Shah Rukh Shah and Furukh Shah.
The Aga Khan I died in the night of April 12, 1881. He was buried at Hasanabad on Mount Road, Mazagon, on the site of the Eden Hall, where a splendid mausoleum was built at the cost of rupees three lacs. His funeral was attended by thousands of the Indians and Europeans, and all the communities, including the Consuls for Iran and Turkey and high officials of the government. The Aga Khan I was succeeded by his son, Aqa Ali Shah, the Aga Khan II.
His wife Sarv-i Jahan Begum, the daughter of Shah Fateh Ali also died in the following year at Bombay.