The Ismailis in the province of Sind, Pakistan celebrate Amir Pir Mela (fair of Amir Pir) once a year in November.
By : Mumtaz Ali Tajddin S. Ali [ Karachi, 2007 ] email : alymumtaz@yahoo.com
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The Ismailis in the province of Sind, Pakistan celebrate Amir Pir Mela (fair of Amir Pir) once a year in November. At the distance of 123 km from Karachi and 10 km from Jhimpir to the east on the bank of the Kalari Lake lies the location of Amir Pir. The historical background of Amir Pir is shrouded in mist and whirled round the grip of oral and fictitious traditions, based on illusive bits and shreds. Many stories and contrive superstitious tales tinged with miracles have been invented to give vent to credulous stories. In short, the story tellers circulated among the people a host of tales fabricated in exaggeration according to their genius. E.P Delhoste visited the location on February 10, 1839 and admitted that its story was involved in obscurity (vide “Memoirs on Sind,†Karachi, 1979, 1st vol., p. 252). Its source of information has been taken on its face value without verification of the truth thereof. But history, as distinct from fiction, proves otherwise. If one listens to what the common people say, he is at once in an enchanted world of the strangest legends. Reports based on mere folklore, can never be history.
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There is a famous oral tradition, largely mythological in character that a certain Seth Mehr Ali of Mulla Katiar, Sind had once dreamt and saw Amir Hamza ( a name found in the tradition for Muhammad Hanafia or Ibn al-Hanafia) visiting Sind through a cave near Jhimpir. He was also inspired in the dream that the cave was situated on the bank of Soneri Lake (now Kalari Lake by combining Soneri and Kinjar Lakes). He traveled in search of the hidden cave. He first came across a cave on Jam Tamachi Fort, which is now at a small distance of the north-east of the Amir Pir. He stayed there few days in veneration and concluded that it was not that very cave. He then roamed around the Soneri Lake and ultimately discovered the cave inside the rock lying at Amir Pir. Seth Mehr Ali through premonitions in his dream was directed to raise a dome (quba) over the cave, which he did. He fixed 14th Shaban the date of visiting the location.
Following questions emerged while scanning the above tradition :-
1. It indicates that there was only a cave, not the grave of Amir Pir. The “Gazetteer of the Province of Sind†(Bombay, 1927, p. 42) also admits that, “The saint is not, however, buried in the mausoleum of Amir Pir.â€
2. The date of 14th Shaban (Shab-e Bharat) clearly suggests a non-Ismaili influence in the location.
3. After the event of Kerbala, many sub-sects in Shi’ite sprang in Arab, and most of them held belief in the disappearance of their masters. The Shia Ismaili Muslims never believed the doctrine of concealment. Ibn al-Hanafia’s concealment in the cave claimed in the above tradition denotes the belief of the Kaysania sect.
4. The above oral tradition is built merely on the edifice of a dream, which cannot be reckoned as historical evidence.
There are many old graves near the cave, but not of Amir Pir. The old record reveals that the original word for the fair was Jhimpir Mela, then Amir Pir Mela, but the words dargha, a’astana or khanaqah were never attached to it. These three later terms are found in different plaques in Amir Pir, contradicting with one another. The word dargha means a place where one is enshrined, and a’astana refers to a particular spot where the saint had stayed, while khanaqah is a Sufic term for their cloister. It is a unique example of the contradictions as none of these terms suits to Amir Pir. One who visits the cave; he says that he came to pay salam to the dargha. Here the term salam refers to the fatiha, which is offered for the dead, not for the concealed one.
Seth Mehr Ali was an origin of Mulla Katiar in lower Sind. His father Megji belonged to Buj, Kutchh and migrated towards Ramki Bazar, Badin and then settled in Mulla Katiar. He was an influential merchant during the Kalhora (1737-1782) and Talpur (1782-1843) rules in Sind. It is related that he visited Iran in the period of Imam Abul Hasan Ali (1143-1206/1730-1792) and Imam Khalilullah (1206-1233/1792-1817). Seth Mehr Ali was popular not only in Sind, but also in Punjab, Kutchh and other parts of India. In Sind, he also hosted the Ismailis, who were going to Iran for the didar of the Imam.
The second phase of Seth Mehr Ali’s life was quite different from his early life, which sounds his great leaning towards the doctrine of the Kaysania sect. In spite of the diversity in the oral traditions, there is a common story that Seth Mehr Ali had visited Bombay and then proceeded to Pirana, and came into the contact of the Kaka (headman) of the Imam Shahi sect, named Syed Sharif (d. 1209/1795). This contact would have created his strong proclivity towards the veneration of the shrines. Soon after his return, he visited Multan and became the disciple of Makhdum Safdar Ali alias Jiwan Shah, the custodian of the mausoleum of Pir Shams. This contact prompted him to rebuild the mausoleum of Pir Shams. A sum of Rs. 75,000 was spent in its renovation, which he procured through donation in Sind in 1194/1779. He posed himself as a Syed to win the hearts of the people. This is the reason that he is called Syed Mehr Ali in “Tawarikh-i Zila’e Multan†(Lahore, 1884, p. 85) by Munshi Hukam Chand and “Multan : History and Architecture†(Islamabad, 1983, p. 206) by Dr. Ahmad Nabi Khan.
He intended that the mausoleum should be crowded on the first Friday after 15th Shaban, therefore, he invited the local Shi’ites and the Ismailis of Sadiqabad, Uchh Sharif and Sind, but his objective was foiled. The Shi’ites venerated it and took its possession, but it did not descend below the throats of the Ismailis, who made no response to it.
He did not retreated in his pursuit and operated its next launching on the bank of the Soneri lake near Jhimpir, Sind where he is supposed to have found a cave of Ibn al-Hanafia on the basis of his so called dream. This time he failed to raise funds in Sind, so he visited Karachi and collected Rs. 25,000. He built a dome (quba) on the cave, few houses and musafarkhana of stone and lime. Culling up the fragment of the traditions, it is purported that in accomplishing his mission with maximum impact, he invited the Shi’ites of lower Sind at first. Since the Shi’ites believed in the disappearance of their 12th Imam Mahdi in a cave of Samarra, the story of Ibn al-Hanafia’s cave easily touched to their minds. After mustering gathering of the Shi’ites, he first invited those Ismailis who had close family ties with the Shi’ites. The Ismaili pilgrims were comparatively less; he then invited other Ismailis in Karachi and interior Sind by giving example of that small number of the Ismailis who were visiting. In short, he made the present location of Amir Pir the venue of vows.
Seth Mehr Ali could not attract Ismaili pilgrims as more as he expected. The Shi’ites not only came for veneration, but also used the location as their graveyard. Soon after his death, the Ismailis began to assemble at large number. Railway line from Karachi to Kotri was open for traffic on May 13, 1861. It provided facility to the Ismailis of Karachi to visit Amir Pir by train. They landed at Jhimpir station and then traveled in the wheeled carriages. It caused the Ismaili foothold, making the Shi’ites visit comparatively less. The Ismailis removed the amulets (taveez), wooden horse (duldul) and painted pictures on the walls of the cave, and placed there the photos of the Imams.
It has been also learnt from the old persons of Mirpur Sakaro jamat that once a group of the local Shi’ites failed in the deliberations with the Ismailis on the topic of the disappearance of their 12th Imam Mahdi. Thus, they visited the cave of Amir Pir and invited the Ismailis to join them. When they succeeded to bring the Ismailis in sizeable number, they gradually discontinued to attend. It paved a way to the Ismaili dominance on the cave. On this juncture, the Shi’ites became capable to respond to the Ismailis that they too believed in the disappearance of Ibn al-Hanafia in a cave like their 12th Imam Mahdi. If the story carries truth, we would say that the tradition of Amir Pir was an incidental. Soon afterwards, the low class Hindus consisting of Bhils, Meghwars, Kohis, Gurgalas, Oads etc., also visited the location for fulfillment of their vows. Among other visitors, the followers of the Imam Shahi sect were prominent, who followed the mix rituals of Islam and Hinduism.
So far, the Ismailis visited informally for fulfillment of their vows, sometimes regularly or casually. The concept of the Mela (fair) however was not yet created.
It is a matter to ponder that Seth Mehr Ali did not launch his plan in the shrines of Pir Sadruddin or Pir Hasan Kabiruddin in Uchh Sharif. It may be possible that Uchh Sharif was not so ideal to muster the gatherings of the Shi’ites and the Ismailis.
Seth Mehr Ali passed rest of his life in the village of Shah Kapoor, near Tando Muhammad Khan, where he was a wholesale grain dealer, and a large supplier of eggs to the British soldiers. Seth Mehr Ali either assumed the title of the Mukhi or Varas or his disciples had identified him as such. There is not a single evidence of his services as the Mukhi of any Jamatkhana in lower Sind. He died in Shah Kapoor and was buried in the location of Amir Pir.
Muhammad Hanafia was born in 11/632. His name was Muhammad Akbar, surnamed Abul Kassim, known as Ibn al-Hanafia. He was the son of Hazrat Ali and his mother was Khawla bint Jafar bin Qais al-Hanafia.
After the event of Kerbala, Mukhtar Thaqafi rose in Kufa against the Umayyad to take revenge of Imam Hussain’s blood. He turned to Imam Zayn al-Abidin to seek his support. Baladhuri (d. 279/892) writes in “Ansab al-Ashraf†(5th vol., p. 272) that, “Mukhtar wrote to Zayn al-Abidin to show his loyalty to him, asking if he could rally the Kuffans for him. He sent with the letter a large sum of money. Zayn al-Abidin refused this offer and declared Mukhtar publicly to be a liar who was trying to exploit the cause of Ahl al-Bayt for his own interests.†Ibn Sa’d (d. 230/845) also writes in “Kitab al-Tabaqat†(5th vol., p. 213) that, “Imam Zayn al-Abidin had publicly denounced Mukhtar’s mission.†Mukhtar lost all hopes of winning Imam Zayn al-Abidin; he then turned to Ibn al-Hanafia in Mecca, the third son of Hazrat Ali from a Hanafite woman. On his part, Ibn al-Hanafia did not repudiate Mukhtar’s propaganda for his Imamate and Messianic role; he nevertheless, maintained a non-committal attitude and never openly raised his claims to the heritage of Imam Hussain. Baladhuri (5th vol., p. 218) writes that, “Ibn al-Hanafia gave Mukhtar only a non-committal reply. He neither approved nor disapproved of Mukhtar’s intention to avenge Imam Hussain, and only warned him against bloodshed.†In the event, however, the hesitation and political inactivity of Ibn al-Hanafia induced Mukhtar more and more to exploit his name for his own interest. In Kufa, Mukhtar propagated that Ibn al-Hanafia was an awaited Mahdi, and he was his minister (vizir) and commander (amir). It is curious that Ibn al-Hanafia did not refute the propaganda of Mukhtar.
Mukhtar mustered large following around him, propagating the Messianic role of Ibn al-Hanafia and captured Kufa. Ibn Sa’d (4th vol., p. 15) writes that Ibn al-Hanafia once thought of going to Kufa to join his over-energetic agent Mukhtar. This would by no means have suited Mukhtar’s purpose, who was well aware of the advantage of professing to act for a master who was at a distance. He therefore let it be known that the Mahdi (Ibn al-Hanafia) was to be distinguished by the following test: if any one struck him with the sword in the street, the weapon would be unable to penetrate the Mahdi’s flesh, and would effect no injury. Ibn al-Hanafia naturally regarded this as a threat that if he came to Kufa he would be assassinated, whence he kept away, and never visited Kufa till death.
In the meantime, the circumstances changed when Abdullah bin Zubayr proclaimed himself caliph in 64/683 in Mecca. Ibn al-Hanafia refused to pay homage to Abdullah bin Zubayr in Mecca. In 66/685, Abdullah bin Zubayr detained Ibn al-Hanafia and his family and threatened them with death if they did not pay homage within a specific time. Ibn al-Hanafia wrote letter to Mukhtar, apprising him of his perilous condition. Mukhtar marshaled out four thousand soldiers and managed to liberate Ibn al-Hanafia, who left Mecca for Taif. Mukhtar was killed in 67/687 in an another encounter with Musab bin Zubayr in Kufa, while Ibn al-Hanafia died in 81/700 at the age of about 70 years, and was buried in Mecca.
Abu Hashim, the eldest son of Ibn al-Hanafia however continued the mission of Mukhtar, and his followers became known as the Kaysanias, who believed Ibn al-Hanafia as the successor of Hazrat Ali. Abu Hashim was poisoned by the Umayyad caliph Hisham in 99/718. Before his death, he quickly rushed to Humayma, and handed over his right to the caliphate and charge of the Kaysania sect to Muhammad bin Ali, the leader of the growing Abbasid power as he had no male issue.
The followers of the Kaysania also held Ibn al-Hanafia as their Imam Mahdi and believed in his concealment and immortality. The fact is that he had died his natural death. The famous Umayyad poet, Kuthayyir bin Abd Rehman Azza (24-105/644-723) however was first to propagate that Ibn al-Hanafia was alive on the Mount Radwah, west of Medina that he was being guarded by a lion and a tiger, and that he had two rich springs of water and honey, and that he would reappear to fill the earth with justice, vide his “Diwan†(ed. By Ihsan Abbas, Beirut, 1971). In sum, the Kaysania sect held the doctrine of raja (the return to life of some of the dead before the resurrection). Syed Himyari, one of the poets of Kaysania sect describes that, “Ibn al-Hanafia had not tasted death nor would taste it until he had led his hosts to victory. The place of his retirement was Mount Radwah, where food is miraculously supplied him, and he had a society of angels, besides that of lions and panthers.†Shaharastani writes that, “This is the first appearance of the Shi’ite doctrine of concealment and return from concealment.â€
Kashi also records a story about two men from the entourage of Imam Jafar Sadik, viz. as-Sarraj and Hammad bin Isa, who were known to believe that Ibn al-Hanafia was still alive. Imam Jafar Sadik reproached them and pointed out that Ibn al-Hanafia was seen being buried, and his property had been divided and his widow had remarried.
Undoubtedly, Ibn al-Hanafia neither came to help Imam Hussain during the terrible sufferings in Kerbala nor took revenge from a single person thereafter. He passed his peaceful life in Mecca and Taif, where he died. It is possible that the Sunni circle would have charged, why he did not come to help his brother, Imam Hussain in Kerbala? In order to cover it, the followers of the Kaysania sect had cultivated stories that he took revenge from the Kuffans, making it flooded with blood to such extent that his horse swam in it. These stories are not historical but fictitious. The reason for his concealment neither is known nor understood. Since the story of his revenge from the Kuffans and the Umayyads is quite incorrect and imaginary, the second story of his concealment becomes itself cripple and null.
The above details indicate that the concealment of Ibn al-Hanafia was not historical, but he met a natural death. In addition, his name was Ibn al-Hanafia, not Amir Hamza, Amir Pir or Pir Amir Ahmad. It has been also admitted that he was not granted the office of the Hujjat or Pir. The oral tradition however claims that there is a cave of Ibn al-Hanafia at the location 10 km from Jhimpir.
The Satpanth Literature or the Ginans were composed by 9 Ismaili Pirs and 22 Syeds during their mission in Indian subcontinent. The ginans were preserved in different manuscripts. Mukhi Laljibhai Devraj (1842-1930) collected the old manuscripts in different places. It was difficult to judge the authenticity of each ginan a hundred years ago due to the lack of the competent scholars. He published the ginans in his printing press in Bombay with a view that if any published text was found irrelevant or doubtful, it would be never reprinted. During the process of printing, however, some compositions were found doubtful, such as the “Chhatris Krodi,†“Dashtari Gayatri,†“Chetamani of Pir Imam Shah†etc., which were never published. The “Satveni’ji Vel†by Syed Nur Muhammad Shah (d. 940/1534) was however published without prior testing of its Ismaili root. Mukhi Laljibhai however appealed the Ismailis through his monthly magazine, “Ismaili Satpanth Prakash†(April 12, 1918) to draw his attention the errors, discrepancies or doubtfulness in the ginans he had published from his Khoja Sindhi Printing Press. On this juncture, the authenticity of the “Satveni’ji Vel†was challenged with evidences, which were minutely examined and resolved not to publish it next time. The inventory of its evidences is not known except that “Satveni’ji Vel†contained non-Ismaili elements and suffered with interpolation.
Suppose a Shi’ite author brings forth a book on the history of the twelve Imams, it has nothing to do with Ismailism. Since it contained the history of Hazrat Ali to Imam Jafar Sadik, the Ismailis will never ignore and refer it for the study. Correspondingly, the “Satveni’ji Vel†of Syed Muhammad Shah also advocates equal purpose, wherein the cursory sketch of the history of the Ismaili Imams and Pirs is given; therefore, the Ismaili scholars refer it for their study. This is the reason that “Satveni’ji Vel†never became a standard text in Ismaili literature, and is hardly recited in the Jamatkhana.
Syed Nur Muhammad Shah, the son of Syed Imam Shah and the founder of the Imam Shahi sect had compiled “Satveni’ji Vel†most probably between 922/1516 and 926/1520, containing 100 verses. Its manuscript was in private collection of the Imam Shahis in Pirana (about 10 miles from Ahmedabad), where many fabricated verses were included. One old manuscript of 1890 contained 150 verses. It implies that the original text was adulterated by inclusion of later verses. Mukhi Laljibhai Devraj had gone to Ahmedabad in search of old manuscripts in about 1905, where he unearthed the manuscript of the “Satveni’ji Vel†consisted of 150 verses. He brought it in Bombay and published in the Khojki script in 1906. Patel Laljibhai Nanjibhai, the follower of the Imam Shahi sect reproduced the same text into Gujrati, entitled “Motti Satveni’ni Vel†in 1960 in Ahmedabad.
In 1978, its one rare manuscript was discovered in Buj, Kutchh. It was written in 1780, containing 100 verses. Comparing it with the above printed texts, it appears that 50 verses were incorporated at the end of the 18th century. The extra verses given in the printed texts, such as 23-24, 28-33, 75, 78-93, 97-100, 115-135 (total 50 verses) are not found in the oldest manuscript of 1780. It means that the interpolation would have taken place after 1780.
Scrutiny of the other accessible records also throws a flood of light that the original feature of the text (100 verses) was affected with the addition of 50 new verses. The anonymous composer hampered and interpolated the imaginary verses with his own sense of propriety. The Russian scholar W. Ivanow also reckoned it a “modern work.†Thus, in the later 50 verses, the stories of Amir Pir and Muhammad Hanif (Ibn al-Hanafia) are grossly misrepresented and highlighted skillfully. It is given in four places (verse nos. 23, 24, 29 & 30) under different headings, whose gist is given below with comments:-
“He was the 6th Pir. God invested him extraordinary prowess. He took revenge of the religion. He killed the infidels and tyrants and became a gazi. He led a piety life in the world and became an immortal till the Judgment Day. He killed forty thousand infidels and removed infidelity in the world. He himself conquered and raised a rule over the world. This very person (Muhammad Hanif or Ibn al-Hanafia) came in the world. His mother was Bibi Hanifa, the wife of Hazrat Ali and (he) Muhammad Hanif was from their family. He killed the infidels everywhere and became a devout gazi. Many people submitted, known as the believers of the Satpanth.â€
a) Ibn al-Hanifa is shown as the 6th Pir, which is historically incorrect. It does not mention, which Imam had consigned him the office of the Pir? He was neither given the Piratan nor worked for the religious cause. The so called Piratan of Ibn al-Hanafia nowhere is mentioned even in the authorized literature of the ginans.
b) It indicates that Ibn al-Hanafia took “revenge of religion†from the infidels and tyrants. Who were the infidels and tyrants? Apparently, it refers to the Kuffans and the Umayyads. It claims that he had taken revenge from forty thousand infidels and removed infidelity in the world. Between the event of Kerbala in 61/680 and his death in 81/700, there was a period of twenty years, in which he executed not a single person. The removal of infidelity in the world is therefore curious and moreso is his immortality till the Judgment Day, which is illogical and irrational story. Such folklore cannot adulterate the face of history in the light of accessible sources.
For illustration, when an Arab leader Tarmah bin Adi found Imam Hussain in the plight at Kerbala, who was going home after pilgrimage came to the Imam and said, “O’ son of the Prophet! The Kuffans have proved faithless and disloyal. Come with me and I will take you to my tribe beyond those mountains. We have defended ourselves against the old tyrants of Hira Ghassan kingdoms and now will defend you.†Imam Hussain declined his offer. Keeping it in mind, it ensues that an Arab chief had offered to help Imam Hussain, but Ibn al-Hanafia did not come in Kerbala to help Imam Hussain. How it can be believed that he had come in Kufa after Kerbala event to take revenge from the Kuffans and took field against the Umayyads? He had been in Mecca before and after the tragic event of Kerbala, and never visited Kufa or Damascus. There is also no historical evidence that he had ever met Imam Zayn al-Abidin in Medina after the event of Kerbala.
c) It also claims that he alone made conquest and established his sovereignty in the world. Firstly, there is no indication of his fantastic military operations. He was not even the hakim or governor of any village, town or city in Arab, therefore, the question of his becoming the ruler of the world does not arise.
d) The phrase, “Many people submitted, known as the believers of the Satpanth†refers to the followers of a petty sect, known as the Kaysania, which existed after the death of Ibn al-Hanafia. It is also noticeable that the composer misrepresented the followers of the Kaysania sect as the believers of the Satpanth!
“When he fought with the infidels, he killed them by his own hand. On that moment, he received a Divine inspiration: ‘How long will you fight for religion? Leave the infidels now alone and take rest in any place. You have conquered all countries including Damascus. You now leave and kill them during the Judgment Day. If you will kill them now, the world population will be decreased, and there will be no infidel in the world. If the infidels are reduced, how the affairs of the world will be run? How the believers will know the spiritual status? Believers achieve the spiritual status after facing the infidels because the eternal grade is gained after toleration of the grief.’â€
a) It claims that he alone killed the infidels and conquered many lands including Damascus, which is also a bombastic story bereft of historical value. Damascus was the capital of the Umayyads, which fell in 132/750, while Ibn al-Hanafia died in 81/700. One can gleaned from the sources of Abu Mikhnaf (d. 157/774), Waqidi (d. 207/822), Baladhuri (d. 279/892), Yaqubi (d. 284/898), Tabari (d. 310/922), Atham al-Kufi al-Kindi (d. 314/926), etc. that Ibn al-Hanafia never took revenge of Imam Hussain’s blood from the Kuffans and the Umayyads, nor he ever came in Kufa, but remained in Mecca till death.
b) It further indicates that he left the remaining infidels and took rest, lasting till the Judgment Day as per Divine order. It also exhorts that the remaining infidels would be killed in Judgment Day by him, not by God. The revenge of Imam Hussain’s blood was assigned to him, half infidels were executed in the material world and remaining in immaterial world. Is it believable? While taking this story in Islamic perception, it is quite improbable that a human being in his physical state will kill the immaterial beings with a physical sword in Judgment Day? This is a baseless story in its implications.
c) It claims that God commanded him not to kill all the infidels, otherwise the world population would be decreased. The enemies of Imam Hussain were in Iraq and Syria, why the composer of the verse made him to kill the infidels of other countries?
“Amir himself dwelt in a mountain and none knew his whereabouts. One ruler of Khorasan revered Satgur Amir. His name was Khaqan Mansur. He traced out every place and thought of Amir’s whereabouts. He loitered everywhere in his search and went into the jungle with an army, where he found rocks everywhere. He arrived as far as Jhimpir (Jinjir) and saw a cave in a rock, whereon was written: “Satgur Amir has gone inside, none is ordered to enter it.†(Finding his entry thus barred), Mansur stood there, delighting in heart. He built a dome (quba) on it, and earned (fame of) his name in the world. He had no issue and vowed for. One who vows in the dome, his wishes will be accepted. All come to this location, where their wishes are accomplished.â€
a) The heading of the previous 23rd verse is “Muhammad Hanif’ki Tasanif†while the heading of 29th verse is “Tasanif Amir’ki.†Here it is clearly admitted that both Muhammad Hanif (Ibn al-Hanafia) and Amir were two different persons.
b) In the light of the accessible sources at our disposal, no ruler bearing the name “Khaqan Mansur†is traceable in the history of Khorasan. It seems a fictitious name.
c) It claims that Amir went to an unknown place. His follower, Khaqan Mansur wandered in his search from Khorasan to Sind and found a cave at Jhimpir, where he saw a written instruction that, “Satgur Amir has gone inside, none is ordered to enter it.†It means he found only one cave between Khorasan and Sind and none else, and the composer of the verses made him to reach as far as Jhimpir. Besides he found the whereabouts of Satgur Amir, not Ibn al-Hanafia. Granted that he found an instruction on the cave, it should have been written in Sindhi for the people of Sind, not in Arabic or Persian. If so, how he read it? Satgur Amir had gone in cave to take rest in seclusion till the Judgment Day, and not to fulfill the vows of the needy people. Firstly, the purpose was to take rest, and then it changed into the vows. How the composer used his skill to translate his motif?
What was the reason of the written instruction on a cave? Who has written and why? Is not such instruction valid in present day? Why it is not seen today? Who had removed it? It implies that Khaqan Mansur did not enter the cave due to restriction. This is pretty good technique to make the venerators fearful psychologically, and restrict them to the extent of the cave. Contrary to it, there are many persons in present age, who have entered the cave and found there nothing but a small stony cellar of hardly two to three yards in the rock, and nothing happened to them. It appears that the modern pilgrims seem to have not read above instruction given in the “Satveni’ji Vel,†otherwise they would have installed similar words engraved on marble plaque at the entrance of the cave.
d) Khaqan Mansur obviously had not seen Satgur Amir, but brought faith merely upon the written instruction. The composer designed a dramatic tale in the name of Khaqan Mansur, exhorting the people to have a blind trust like him.
e) The key point to draw attention in the above verse is the name “Jhimpir†(Jinjir). The old persons in Jhimpir relate that in the period of the Kalhora rule (1737-1782) in Sind, one unknown English tourist, named Jim or Jem visited on camel in their area from Kotri. He joined the annual Hindu fair on February 18 in the temple of Shiva. He was a generous and deeply touched with the local poverty. He returned to Kotri and brought huge grains and clothes laden on camels for the poor. He made several trips in this context. The local people venerated him as if a Pir and called him “Jim Pir or “Jempeer.†This location thus became known as Jhimpir after his name.
Hence, the coinage of the name “Jhimpir†came into existence during 18th century. How this word appeared in the “Sateveni’ji Vel†of 16th century? Nothing prevent us in concluding that the above verses are forged, fabricated and were included at the end of the 18th century.
f) The phrase, “One who vows in the dome (quba), his wishes will be accepted. All come to this location, where their wishes are fulfilled†is the principal objective of the composer to summon the illiterate people for the veneration of the cave.
“One follower lived in Sind with deep devotion upon Amir. Once he was going in a forest, where the bandits descended upon him. They began to plunder his camels laden with merchandise. While he was being beaten with a sword, he was much fearful and lamented, exclaimed, ‘Oh! Muhammad Hanifa Amir! I keep patience with your name. Come to relieve me from the bandits. Come to help in this moment.’ The Gur at once came on horse and killed the bandits into pieces with sword. His follower became cheerful and bowed before Gur Amir. Gur also patted and showered mercy. There was a rock, where the Gur reached in a cave. The follower brought faith on him. (Gur) made him richest person. He built a dome (quba) in Sind.â€
a) Gur Amir emerged from the cave upon exclamation of his Sindhi follower, where he returned. The present site of the rock having the cave faces the Soneri lake, not jungle. Granted that the jungle existed beyond the Soneri lake, where exists the old village of Sonda, near Jerruk. His coming on a horse and patting his follower indicate that his appearance was physical. It is thus unbelievable how he heard his follower’s cry at a long distance.
b) We have seen in the previous verses that Khaqan Mansur Khorasani was destined to build a dome (quba) on the cave, and then the story is curiously changed, narrating that one another person in Sind built a dome (quba) on the cave. Both are reported to have discovered the cave and built the quba. To whom credit should be given? It is curious that the name of his one follower, Khaqan Mansur is clearly mentioned, but the name of another person in Sind is not given, why? Is it not possible that the person in Sind, who built the quba would have been Seth Mehr Ali and none else, which is also ascertained in the oral tradition? It seems that his name was deliberately hidden, otherwise, the secrecy of interpolation in “Satveni’ji Vel†would have been exposed in the period of the composer.
c) Curiously, this verse equates Muhammad Hanif and Amir as One Person, giving them a joint name of “Muhammad Hanifa Amir.†To crown him as a Pir, the word Satgur Amir is applied in the previous 29th verse and Gur Amir in this 30th verse. This is an imprudent composition. Hence, the dominant force of the legendary accounts gave birth of the false tales, making Ibn al-Hanafia and Amir Ahmad as one character. Since Amir Ahmad was the 6th Pir, therefore, his Piratan and historicity are shifted skillfully to the account of Ibn al-Hanafia in the above verse. The composer aimed to brush aside the personality of Pir Amir Ahmad.
d) He implored for help from Amir. Was the name Muhammad Hanifa Amir famous in those days among the vulgar section of Sind? If so, his association must be with the Kaysania sect.
e) We have seen in the above 24th verse that Ibn al-Hanafia was commanded in the Divine inspiration not to kill any more till Judgment Day, but here the Divine order is disobeyed, where the bandits, the tyrants are shown to be killed. Secondly, his purpose to remain in cave was only to take rest till the Judgment Day, then why he disturbed his rest and came out of the cave for the rescue of his follower? The composer put an imprint on the people that he was a rescuer and saviour !
f) Making vow and become rich indicates to conquer the hearts of the poor people in lower Sind. In those days, the people were down trodden in economical and social fields. The poverty and illiteracy of the people impelled them to improve their economical condition by simple means. Thus, the poor class thought the making of vow in Amir Pir’s cave an easy means to become rich. The largest number of the pilgrims was those who sought financial and material prosperity. Next in line were those who suffered from various ailments. Besides these the other objectives were blessing for a child, better treatment from in-laws, improvements in domestic relations, success in business enterprises, protection from epidemics, etc.
g) Asserting Ibn al-Hanafia immortal as well as his disappearance in the cave is the belief of the Kaysania sect, and nothing to do with the Ismaili faith.
In sum, it was projected purposely to drag the Ismailis to the venue of immaterial practice. Firstly, it was implemented in Multan in the mausoleum of Pir Shams, but failed. The Ismailis were given one another taste of veneration next in Sind, which was not foiled like in Multan. The articulator borrowed the distorted theory of the concealment of Ibn al-Hanafia from the Kaysania sect. Ibn al-Hanafia was not impressive figure on religious ground among the Indian Ismailis, it was therefore necessary to crown him with the office of the Piratan, and for implication, the historicity of the 6th Ismaili Pir Amir Ahmad was sacrificed. In other words, the historicity of Pir Amir Ahmad was brushed aside. The amalgamation of two theories was meant to magnify Ibn al-Hanafia, which influenced the Ismailis in lower Sind to some extent. In order to convince the Ismailis of Kutchh, Kathiawar and Gujrat, few supporting verses were composed in this context and inserted in the “Satveni’ji Vel.†Hence, a hotchpotch dish was prepared with the mixture of illusive bits and shreds to attract the Indian Ismailis towards the reverence of the cave under the shadow of religion.
Even taking for granted for a while that the “Satveni’ji Vel†was composed by Syed Nur Muhammad Shah between 1516 and 1520 including above quoted four verses, then why the story of the cave in Sind remained in obscurity for over two hundred years and was only destined to Seth Mehr Ali to discover and disclose it? During these two hundred years, no Ismaili Pir or Vakil or any renowned person had ever referred to it. It is crystal clear that the above verses were added after two hundred years.
In the period of Ibn al-Hanafia, it deserves notice that the locations of Jhimpir and Kotri geographically were submerged into Indus River. It is therefore, absurd to believe the frivolous tale of the cave, sprouted out in the rock in the period of Ibn al-Hanafia.
It is worth keeping in mind that there was a long stony rock lying on the bank of the Soneri lake. It is evident from the interior walls of the cave that a small prefigured space was definitely hollowed out in the rock by a talent mind. Its size is 10x12 feet with a height of 3 ¼ feet, and none can stand or walk inside. Its interior walls are very solid. The mouth of the cave was plastered, then cemented. Afterwards, it was decorated with a silver frame, which has been removed. It is also believed in the vulgar section that the original cave exists somewhere in Arab, whose tunnel ends at Amir Pir’s location. Mr. Mohammad Hussain, the President of the Ismaili Engineers & Architects Association had visited the location in 1983 with few members of the Regional Council for Karachi and Sind. He examined the cave and submitted his conclusive survey report that the structure of the cave was artificial, not natural.
Outside the cave, a chamber or the dome (quba) was erected, whose internal height is 3 ¼ feet with the level of the cave. It could hardly accommodate 50 persons. In 1951, one another chamber to its right side was built to enlarge the space. Both chambers were partitioned by a wall, and when the wall was going to be demolished to make two chambers as one, it was seriously suggested to drop the program because the wall acted as the pillar and if it would be broken, the roof of the chambers with rock’s debris would bury the chambers. Apprehending lest the chambers without wall would cause havoc, the wall was retained and the second new chamber was marbled in 1953. One can easily judge that the legend of the Amir Pir is so fictitious that a new story was floated in exaggeration to the account of Imam Aga Ali Shah, relating that he sometimes came down from his residence on hilltop and passed his days in seclusion and worship in this marbled chamber. This is absolutely false, the purpose of which was to legitimate the legend of the cave on religious ground.
While going through the traditional list of the Pirs contained in the old Dua, the name of Pir Amir Ahmad is documented as the 6th Pir. He is also called Amir, Amir Ahmad or Ahmad Ali. His period is controversial, not located conclusively, which provided most pregnant opportunity to the people to cultivate unreliable stories. Dr. Abualy A. Aziz in “Brief History of Ismailism†(Dar-es-Salaam, 1974, p. 110) writes that, “Pir Amir Ahmed, the sixth Ismaili Pir, was none other than Imam Jafar as-Sadiq.†The weakness of the later sources, indicating however a remote possibility, not strong one, that Pir Amir Ahmad was sent on special mission by Imam Muhammad al-Bakir or Imam Jafar Sadik. The oral disfigured tradition claims that he was that very person, known as Amir Pir in Jhimpir. The name of Pir Amir Ahmad in the traditional list comes next to Imam Zayn al-Abidin, which also does not mean that both were contemporary.
We pause for a while to have a look at the traditional list of the Pirs as under :-
1. Prophet Muhammad (peace be on him)
2. Hazrat Hasan
3. Kassim Shah
4. Jafar Shah
5. Zayn al-Abidin
6. Amir Ahmad
The above list ostensibly suggests at first glance that after assuming the Imamate in 61/680, Imam Zayn al-Abidin consigned the office of the Piratan to Amir Ahmad, but its historicity is inaccessible. Since the name Amir Ahmad is followed by Imam Zayn al-Abidin in the above list, it became convenient to the fabricators to make them contemporary.
It is however much nearer to reasonable possibility that Imam Wafi Ahmad (d. 212/828) had consigned the office of the Hujjat or Pir to his son, called Ahmad. He propagated Ismaili dawat in the villages of Syria and Iran. He was succeeded to his father and assumed the title of at-Taqi (God-fearing). In Indian Ismaili literature, he is called “Pir Ahmad†or “Pir Amir Ahmad†while denoting him the Pir. He is simultaneously called “Taqi Muhammad†when referring him as an Imam. Hence, Pir Amir Ahmad was the name of Imam Taqi Muhammad, who flourished in the Dawr’i Satr, and nothing to do with the period of Ibn al-Hanafia as is wrongly mentioned in the “Satveni’ji Vel.â€
It is a trenchant point to keep in mind that Pir Amir Ahmad (Imam Taqi Muhammad) died in 225/840 long after the period of Imam Zayn al-Abidin, while Ibn al-Hanafia died in 81/700. How it is possible to consider both Pir Amir Ahmad and Ibn al-Hanafia as one and the same person when they were not even contemporary ?
Imam Zayn al-Abidin returned from Damascus to Medina, while Ibn Hanafia was in Mecca. Is it possible to believe that Imam had given him the Piratan with a mandate to wage war against the enemies of Imam Hussain? Was the Piratan given merely for this purpose? Soon after the event of Kerbala, the Imam changed the policy not to take part in the politics. It was Mukhtar who emerged in history to take revenge to exploit his political interest. He declared Ibn al-Hanafia as the Mahdi and carried on the mission in his name. It is unbelievable that Imam Zayn al-Abidin had approved the cult of Mukhtar and supported his mission by appointing Ibn al-Hanafia as the Pir? In fact, Ibn al-Hanafia and Pir Amir Ahmad were different historical characters in different periods, and moreso Amir Ahmad was not the name or title of Ibn al-Hanafia.
Notwithstanding, the coinage of the term “Amir Pir†in Sind carries a different story without its least relation with “Pir Amir Ahmad†or “Ibn al-Hanafiaâ€.
When Imam Hasan Ali Shah arrived in Sind, he held meeting with Sir Charles Napier (1782-1853), the then British political agent of Sind. This historical meeting made the Imam famous in Sind. The Muslims in lower Sind mostly of Shah Bandar and District Thatta revered the Imam as a Pir and called him the Khwajen’jo Pir. The British posted the Imam in Jerruk for guarding the route between Hyderabad and Karachi. The Imam arrived in Jerruk on March 1, 1843. The Jokia, Numeri and Kalmati tribes gathered together and attacked on the Ismailis in Jerruk led by Mir Sher Muhammad Khan on March 23, 1843. In the encounter, the enemies plundered 23 lac rupees cash amount of the Imam. Mirza Kalichbeg writes in “History of Sind†(Karachi, 1902, 2nd vol., p. 260) that Sir Charles Napier wrote letter to Mir Sher Muhammad Khan on April 7, 1843, which reads: “Chief, if you will give back to Aga Khan the plunder you took from Jerruck, and come in and make Salaam to me, I will pardon, and be your friend, and your jageers shall be respected. C.J. Napier.†Later, the amount of the Imam was recovered.
The news of the great robbery rapidly spread in Hyderabad, District Thatta and Shah Bandar, inducing the Muslims to say : “Oh! Pir (Imam Hasan Ali Shah) is a rich (Amir) person.†Gradually, the term “Amir Pir†(the rich Pir) was designated for Imam Hasan Ali Shah. The fact of the designation can be verified from the old records of Registrar of District Thatta.
Consequently, the two correlative names (Amir Pir and Pir Amir Ahmad) cropped on the surface in lower Sind. In order to distinguish the two relevant names, the Ismailis denoted the term “Amir Pir†for Imam Hasan Ali Shah, and “Pir Amir Ahmad†or “Pir Amir†was specified for the 6th Ismaili Pir. Since the fair began by the orders of Imam Hasan Ali Shah, it became known as “Amir Pir Mela†after his name.
The “Amir Pir Mela†became widespread in India, where the Ismailis of Kutchh, Kathiawar and Gujrat were unknown with the other side of the coin, and tried to correlate Ibn al-Hanafia with Pir Amir Ahmad, the 6th Pir; and constructed a layer of confusion in locating the personality of Pir Amir Ahmad. Besides, the story of Seth Mehr Ali’s dream also prompted them to cultivate few other stories. This type of coining commenced in these areas, wherefrom this art was developed. Some irresponsible writers have even wrongly gone to the extent to equate the 6th Pir Amir Ahmad with the “cave†tradition of Amir Pir, vide “Pir Padhariya Aapan’e Duar†(Bombay, 1986, pp. 99-106) by Abdul Hussain. Their literature has intricately injected wrong views into the minds of the people. Unless the modern writers know before writing the theories of disappearance in a cave, immortality of the Pir or Saint and the veneration of any location quite contrary to the Ismaili tariqah, they would have never correlated two persons. This curious formula was arbitrary, irrational and wholly impracticable and divorced from reality.
When Imam Hasan Ali Shah left Iran, some faithful and loyal Shi’ite soldiers from Kirman also joined the Imam’s caravan. Soon after his arrival in Sind, Sir Charles Napier posted him at Jerruk at the end of February, 1843 to secure communications as well as restore peace between Karachi and Hyderabad. The Baluchi leader Mir Sher Muhammad Khan attacked at Jerruk on March 23, 1843. The Imam spurred his fleet horse and advanced with full gallop, penetrating the front ranks of the enemies and fought against the overwhelmed odds. In the skirmish, the Imam’s horse skidded and he fell on the ground. Some thirty Ismaili warriors managed to bring the Imam in Hyderabad for treatment.
Soon after the tragic event of Jerruk, the Baluchis attacked the Shi’ite soldiers of the Imam, who were patrolling on the route between Jhimpir and Kotri. Some of them were killed and buried at the location of Amir Pir. When Imam Hasan Ali Shah arrived in Jerruk from Hyderabad after recovery, he visited the location with his few followers. He crossed the shallow water of the Soneri Lake and reached the hilltop of Amir Pir’s location on horse. He dismounted and offered fatiha on the graves of his Shi’ite soldiers. The followers preserved the marks of the Imam’s footprints, known as “Shah’ja Kadam.†The local Shi’ites walled the space with an alam (crest or emblem) inside on a staff, where a ceremony of its hoisting was performed before 1984.
The Ismailis from Muscat, Gwadar, Sind, Kutchh, Kathiawar and Gujrat flocked at Jerruk to behold the Imam before the attack on Jerruk. Looking the social and religious worth of a mixed gathering, Imam Hasan Ali Shah intended that such gathering should be held once a year in Sind for the scattered Ismailis to solve their social and religious problems. Jerruk was thick with the population of the Muslims, which could hardly accommodate the visiting Ismailis. During his above visit at Amir Pir, Imam Hasan Ali Shah liked its climate and resolved to purchase the land on hilltop. On his return to Jerruk, he is said to have told to his followers to hold an annual gathering at an open place, where the Ismailis of Sind had already become used to assemble from time to time. The purpose of the Imam was to create unity among the Ismailis of District Thatta, who lived in 16 villages and Shah Bandar in 4 villages. The location was acquired from the British government in 1845 in the period of Mukhi Alidina Asani (1793-1881), the first Estate Agent of Karachi, Lasbela and Sind. In other words, the Ismailis connection with the Amir Pir Mela dates from the time of Imam Hasan Ali Shah. According to the “Gazetteer of the Province of Sind†(Bombay, 1927, p. 42), “The connection of the Khojas with this region dates from the time of the British conquest, shortly before which the grandfather of the present Agha Khan (Imam Sultan Muhammad Shah) came to Sind from Persia.â€
The Jhimpir Mela however was formally begun in 1851. The Muslims in lower Sind considered that it was started by their Amir Pir (Imam Hasan Ali Shah), the fair therefore became known as Amir Pir Mela. It ensues from an old manuscript that the first mela was celebrated with great pomp. It was attended by the Ismailis of District Thatta, Shah Bandar, Mulla Katiar, Hyderabad, Tando Muhammad Khan and Karachi. During the celebration, the marriages of 18 couples were solemnized.
Imam Hasan Ali Shah arrived in India in 1842. His son and successor, Imam Aga Ali Shah joined him in Bombay in 1852. Imam Hasan Ali Shah had consigned the office of the Piratan to his son in 1853, which he executed for 28 years till 1881. He used to visit lower Sind on hunting expeditions from Karachi. He visited Jerruk and the location of Amir Pir, where he found the tradition of Amir Pir Mela. He liked its climate and stayed there for many days. Like his father, he also realized that the assemblage of the Ismailis once a year would solve their social and religious problems, therefore, he is said to have told to continue the fair as usual and enter into matrimonial and business relations with one another.
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In 1853, he built his residence lying behind the present Jamatkhana on hilltop. Its marble plate reads: “H.R.H. The Aga Khan II Aga Aly Shah Palace, 1853.â€
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The Ismailis of lower Sind and Karachi visited the place for change of climate and it was a kind of get-to-gather assembly, but few among them visited the cave. The residence of Imam Aga Ali Shah was later renovated in 1984 and 1996.
In 1918, Wazir Fadhu Basaria (1848-1918), the third Estate Agent of Karachi, Lasbela and Sind is reported to have asked Imam Sultan Muhammad Shah at Bombay to issue an order to wind up the Amir Pir Mela due to the difficulties faced by the visitors. In reply, the Imam said to build there a Majalis Hall (old name for the prayer-hall, which had not acquired the status of a Jamatkhana, now the term “Community Centre†is used), so that the Ismailis might attend the Jamatkhana too. The Imam changed the date and fixed it from 15th to 20th November. It suggests that Imam did not like to hamper into the customary veneration of the visitors due to the prevalence of illiteracy in the community.
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Thus, a Majalis Hall was built in Amir Pir, making the visitors divided into their precepts. On November 16, 1919, Wazir Fadhu Basaria laid the foundation stone of the Majalis Hall in Amir Pir.
Imam Sultan Muhammad arrived in Karachi on April 10, 1920 for 27 days visit. Itmadi Mukhi Ghulam Hussain Alinani, the President of the Council of Tando Muhammad Khan presented a key and requested Imam Sultan Muhammad Shah on April 18, 1920 to visit Amir Pir and make opening ceremony of the Majalis Hall or Jamatkhana, which he had built. The Imam showed his inability to travel and told to Wazir Rahim Basaria (1885-1927) to execute its formalities on his behalf. It was built in a year at the cost of Rs. 30,000/- under personal supervision of Itmadi Ghulam Hussain Alinani. It was opened on November 15, 1920 by Wazir Rahim Basaria in presence of Varas Karim Kassim (1878-1958), Varas Bandali Kassim (1875-1956), Varas Muhammad Remu (1860-1924), Alijah Alidina Ali Muhammad (1884-1952), Alijah Vali Kassim, Pir Sabzali (1884-1938), Missionary Hamir Lakha (1888-1963), Missionary Thavar Abdul Hussain, etc. The Hyderabad, Sind Volunteer Corps managed the occasion excellently under Major Yonus Khalikdina.
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It was renovated in 1951 and 1984. It was further repaired and coloured in 1995 quite in modern style, making its original look disappeared.
The white mosque with a dome is the highest edifice on the hilltop. It cannot be confirmed who built it and why? E.P. Delhoste visited the location on February 10, 1839. He submitted to the British Government his “Historical Report on the Routes leading from Karachi to Jerruk†on December 26, 1839. He makes little mention of Amir Pir and other constructions, but did not make description of the mosque.
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It deduces from an old manuscript that when the Shi’ite pilgrims perceived absolute foothold of the Ismailis in Amir Pir after the formation of the Jamatkhana, they built in their absence a mosque with a staircase leading to the cave in 1929 for restoring their dominance, but their plan was foiled. Quite possibly this is so.
The Indian Ismailis were quite isolated from one another devoid of the spirit of pluralism when Imam Hasan Ali Shah arrived in India in 1842. In order to bring the scattered Ismailis at one platform, the tradition of holding annual majalis in different parts of India was started for socialization.
The Panjibhai group of Kandi Mola, Bombay under Daud Khan Muhammad made humble request to Imam Sultan Muhammad Shah for inaugurating the annual majalis in Kathiawar. The Imam graciously granted permission, and thus the first annual majalis started in 1887 in the village of Goga, Kathiawar. It was attended by 500 Ismailis. Varas Essa, Muhammad Budhwala and other delivered waez. The jamat was provided facilities of lodging and boarding. In 1888, Varas Ibrahim Varas Ismail Gangji deputed Mukhi Jamal Megji in Babariyawad to make survey for inaugurating the majalis in other regions. In 1892, another majalis started in the village of Unna, then in 1893 in the villages of Khamba, Saila, Akhiyana, Zalawad and finally in Rajsitapur in 1894. For overcoming the management of the majalis, few majalis were merged with one another, and only three majalis remained continued in Goga, Khamba and Rajsitapur. The Imam visited Kutchh in 1900, where Kamadia Haji urged for the annual majalis in Kutchh, which was allowed, and thus it was started in Jamanagar. On other side, the 4th annual majalis in Kathiawar also started in 1903 in the village of Vardha, then also in Poona and Ahmedabad. Besides, the similar majalis also began in 1904 at Kotada Sangani, Rajkot and Vankaner. In short, the tradition of annual majalis became more famous in Kathiawar, Kutchh and Gujrat. In 1920, Pir Sabzali also started an annual majalis in Sialkot due to the reason that the Ismailis were scattered in 71 different villages. In 1912, another three monthly majalis on every 14th of lunar month were started in Var, Ghulam Mulla and Mirpur Sakaro in District Thatta.
In the above annual majalis, the aim and objective were apparently to impart the jamat religious knowledge and save them from going astray. On other hand, its purpose ensuing from different farmans of the Imam was to bring the scattered Ismailis on one well-knit platform, to give them religious knowledge and latest news of other jamats and to enter them into mercantile as well as matrimonial relations.
The above annual majalis were not started in some other parts of India, where the purpose of socialization was already in operations to some extent, such as the annual fair of Pir Dadu, Hasan Shah and Syed Ghulam Ali Shah in Kutchh, Syed Fateh Ali in Kathiawar, Hasan Pir in Ganod, Kathiawar, Pir Kassim Shah in Mudana, Gujrat, Shah Turel, Shah Kapoor and Amir Pir in Sind. Both the annual majalis and the annual fairs served the same purpose, except that the fairs in the shrines were famous in addition for veneration. On this juncture, Imam did not feel it necessary to touch the issue of annual fairs of different shrines. Whenever the Imam was asked to wind up the mela of a certain shrine, he ordered to build there Majalis Hall or Jamatkhana.
Be it known that during the Aga Khans period in India, the traditions, customs and practices of the Ismailis were quite different. The Imams had three options to operate. Either purge it by direct ruling, or by indirect injunction, or create such environment that the awakened minds should apply their own reason to judge the fact. These three methods highly proved beneficial in changing the religious and social conditions of the Indian Ismailis.
For instance, the Ismailis observed the Sunnite precepts on many occasions. In order to emphasize the Shi’ite root of the Ismailism, Imam Hasan Ali Shah issued a decree on October 20, 1861, in which he expressed his desire to bring the Ismailis to conform to the practices of the Shia Imami Ismaili creed of his holy ancestors, regarding marriage ceremonies, ablutions, funeral rites etc. The decree ended thus, “He who may be willing to obey my orders shall write his name in this book that I may know him.†Hence, the Indian Ismailis were relieved from the bondage of the non-Shi’ite rites.
The Indian Ismailis thus knew it well that they were a branch of the Shi’ites. Being the Shi’ites, they commemorated the mourning congregations in the Moharam. It was therefore further necessary to make them known that they have no concern with such practice. The Imam made the indirect injunctions, such as Imam Sultan Muhammad Shah said, “The throne (gadi) of Imam Hussain is with me. I am Imam Hussain†(Nagpur, 28/11/1903), “It is the work of the Ithna Ashari to shed tear in eyes†(Rangoon, 17/2/1914), and “Keep yourselves away from the Yazid of present time†(Karachi, 26/1/1938).
Then, the Imam issued direct orders: “People go to Kerbala, where they physically look at the houses (shrines) of stones, clay and golden. So what? Make the esoteric houses, which are useful indeed†(Zanzibar, 16/8/1905), “There is no benefit in weeping and striking (the breast) while (listening) the story (kissa) of the Kerbala. Imam Hussain had laid down his life for the cause of Islam and showed prowess. You also perform such feats, do virtuous deeds and bring others in the path. Imam Hussain sacrificed his life for such works, not for weeping or striking. Do virtuous work in place of the kissa†(Bombay, 21/12/1934), “They have taken (the path of) paganism, who make the tabut (miniature of Imam Hussain’s tomb) in Lasbela. Close it who prepares the tabut. This is a wrong†(Karachi, 1/5/1920) and “I have made farmans thousand times not to make tabut. You have been told thousand times not to do it. It is not the Ismaili base to perform such practice of Moharam†(Karachi, 26/1/1938).
Likewise, it seems that the reverence to the shrines and making vows thereof during particular mela was left upon the rational thinking of the followers to decide with reason (aql) in the light of the Imam’s guidance whether such practice was permissible and forceful in Ismaili tariqah or not. For instance, the Imam said, “Do not bow before others except me. I give you what you demand, therefore, you do not run behind others.†(Hydrabad, 26/2/1900) and during the forgiveness of the vows, he said, “This time I forgive you. Do not make vows for anyone in future or on any occasion. I make this farman for all. Do not make any vow except in the Jamatkhana†(Zanzibar, 27/7/1914). The believers gradually pondered upon Imam’s exhortations with their reason (aql) and forsook all such immaterial trends. Consequently, it brought tremendous impact in the religious life of the followers.
In some places, the culture of veneration had a powerful hold as if the nails are set in the flesh. It is probable that a small lobby of the venerators would have given priority to their old practice, deviated or become an isolated body in the mainstream of the community had the Imam prevented them openly not to visit the place like Amir Pir Mela. Imam’s root policy was to consolidate the isolated community without hurting feelings of few followers. The Imam however ordered to build Majalis Hall in the mela to bring them close to their religious practices.
We have discussed heretofore that the Imam did not wind up the old traditional mela in India through direct injunctions for some reasons. Nevertheless, he never provided a free rope to the followers to start, grow, develop or nourish any rotten trend or immaterial practice newly crept in the community, and ordered to close it immediately. For illustration, Syed Hyder Shah belonged to another line of Pir Hasan Kabiruddin. He had a stable in the locality of Kharadhar, Karachi, known as “Hyder Shah’ji Kothi†(warehouse of Hyder Shah). He tied his horse in it, where a lamp remained lighted all the time. He died most probably in 1812 and was buried in the cemetery of Mian Shah. In 1898, his ruined warehouse was being sold, but some people opposed its disposal, rumouring that the warehouse (kothi) could not be sold because of its sanctity. Different stories were invented to prevent the sequestration of the property. The people concerned prepared an artificial grave of Syed Hyder Shah in it, and the local people were made to believe that Syed Hyder Shah was buried in the warehouse. It was also rumoured that he made his appearance on every Thursday night. The fabricated stories became effectual and prevented the sale of the warehouse on one side, but brought forth its negative effects on other side. It began to be venerated seriously on small scale as if a mausoleum, where the lamps were lighted in a row. Before the time it became a new venue of reverence, Chief Mukhi Rahmatullah Lutf Ali sent a report of the curious tendency of few people in 1918 to Imam Sultan Muhammad Shah at Bombay. During his visit to Karachi, the Imam made direct orders on May 3, 1920 that, “All of you listen to the farman attentively, which I am making now. The lamp is lighted and some people make vows in the warehouse (kothi) of Hyder Shah. Lighting lamp and making vow are quite incorrect. This is an act of major sin. This place does not have a Pir, nay the grave of the Pir. (Making reverence) is not the Ismaili practice. Granted that there exists grave of a Pir and to keep a memory - it is too not permissible (in Ismailism). It is not appropriate in Ismailism if there is a grave; it is a house of paganism. No person, therefore, light the lamp. There would have been equally thousand of warehouses. What is its benefit? It is absolutely harmful, therefore, I forbid you.†The Imam’s direct and timely guidance exterminated the growing plant of veneration in its embroidery stage. The warehouse of Syed Hyder Shah thus finally sold in November, 1920 without any opposition.
The importance of the mela in Indian subcontinent has largely melted away, and wherever the mob of the pilgrims is seen, it indicates that most of them are not coming for that “purpose†in comparison with the “purpose†of the Ismailis of a century ago. It is also important to note that the Imam attended many annual majalis in India, but never participated in the mela of any shrine.
In the Mehmani of Itmadi Ghulam Hussain Alinani, the President of the Council of Tando Muhammad Khan, Imam Sultan Muhammad Shah said in Karachi on April 18, 1920, “ You have taken much trouble to build a Majalis Hall on the (hill of) Amir Pir, an excellent work you have done. It is now hot season; therefore, I cannot come there, but will come on next trip in winter. Now you and the members of the Council visit in winter season to perform its opening ceremony. This is the territory of Sind, having such good mela, but its untimely celebration is not good. It is not better when the epidemic of cholera breaks out in such season, and sometimes (potable) water is also not available, causing many hardships. For example, the majalis in Poona was recently organized. I myself have established the majalis, but due to the hardships faced by the followers, I wound up the majalis in Poona. In Sind, the place for the mela is an ideal, therefore, I do not close it. I order that the mela should be celebrated in cool and moderate weather. The mela of Pir Amir should start on 15th November, when the climate is neither hot nor cold. The mela of Pir Amir should be performed on that time. The mela of Pir Amir was celebrated on 15th Shaban (Shab’i Bharat), it should be now on 15th November. Consider 15th November as the Bharat’s date, and perform your vows and pledges relating to the Bharat on that occasion. I order to all that if you want to have a trip of Amir Pir, you must go on 15th November.â€
a) The Imam admired the services of Itmadi Ghulam Hussain Alinani for constructing a Majalis Hall in the barren site of Amir Pir. The Imam did not like that the mela should be confined to reverence in its entirety, therefore, the permission for the Majalis Hall was granted to summon the visitors close to their religious precepts as well.
b) The Imam retained the tradition of the mela in Amir Pir in 1920 provided it was celebrated in winter season to mitigate sufferings of the visitors, who wished to attend it.
c) The Imam cited an example of the annual majalis of Poona, which he established in 1903 and wound up after few years because of the hardships of the visitors. It was however merged with other annual majalis. In sum, the annual majalis were established, wound up, merged or substituted according to the circumstances. On the other hand, the condition in Amir Pir Mela was quite different. It executed role of a fertile site for socialization. It was not closed in 1920 because in its very nature, it could not be substituted or merged.
It is also probable that the winding up of the Amir Pir Mela was not ordered on April 18, 1920 because the Imam was to extirpate the growing plant of the veneration in the Hyder Shah’ji Kothi in Karachi on May 3, 1920. Its drastic action was necessary more than Amir Pir Mela. Reversely, the mela in Amir Pir provided a venue to solve social and religious problems of the Ismailis, therefore, no measure against it was taken in 1920.
d) The Ismailis, rather Islam have no concept of Shab’i Bharat on 15th Shaban – the lunar date falling in summer and winter. In order to celebrate the mela regularly in winter, the Imam fixed the date of 15th November – a solar date.
e) The Imam emphasized to perform henceforward the vows on 15th November by considering it the vows of Shab’i Bharat. Be focused a point in mind that the Imam indirectly initiated to relieve the Ismailis from the bondage of the culture of Shab’i Bharat.
The tendency of making vows was the causative factor of the gathering in Amir Pir. In the first phase, the Imam tactfully shifted the vows from Shab’i Bharat to Amir Pir mela. When the time matured in next phase, he made several farmans against the vows. One can glean from the procedure the Imam had followed that the vows and reverences apart from the socialization in Amir Pir Mela were immaterial practices.
f) In the above farman, the Imam did not make a slight reference of the cave and the legend thereof. Besides, the farman clearly refers to the mela on the hill, where the Majalis Hall exists, but not down the Soneri lake, where the cave exists. The Imam also did not approve the fantastic legends associated therewith.
Earlier, there was an open piece of land on the hill surrounded with small mounds and sand-hills. It is difficult to ascertain its size during its acquisition. It is however assumed that originally its size was 10 acres. Later, few more surrounding areas were obtained from the government. The document of the Registry Office of Thatta confirms that the size of the location was 14.10 acres in March 4, 1955. Further sites were also acquired till it reached to 24 acres. The location was thickly covered with thorns and wild bushes. The pilgrims came on camels and wheeled carriages and lodged in the small huts of jute. The local people at the distance of three miles in the village of Khoodie came to sell milk, butter, fish and mutton. Water was hygienically pure. The water carriers brought water in the earthen pitchers from the lake. Below the hill was the cave with simple enclosure of the quba, where the people reached through a rough slope passage.
The pilgrims visiting the cave were mostly the seekers of financial and material prosperity. The newly wedded couples came to untie the knot (chhera chhori), which had been tied during marriages by joining nuptial dress of bride and bridegroom. During the ceremony, they hurled coins in the air. Few families also brought their newborn babies to clear their scalps and tied the threads around their necks as the sign of good omen. The old vows were repeated, which were not fulfilled, or replaced by new vows. The pilgrims entered the chamber of the cave in sitting posture and crawled slowly onwards alike, and terminated from the exit door by keeping the faces focused on the cave. The kissing of the different articles in the cave was a normal feature. Each pilgrim was given a sacred thread and piece of coconut.
There was an old musafarkhana below the hilltop, being a square of 50 yards each side, made of stone and lime : three sides were formed into rooms, the front part supported on pillars of stones. The height of the inside walls was 15 feet. It was demolished most probably after 1840, but existed when Captain E.P. Delhoste visited Amir Pir’s location in 1839.
There existed two main lakes called Kinjar and Soneri, lying between Thatta and Jerruk. These lakes were fed with water by hill torrents and heavy rainfall. Soon after the independence of Pakistan, these lakes were dried up and turned into two deep depressions. It was reported on March 1, 1957 that a biggest artificial lake would be made known as the Kalari Lake, spread over an area of 45 square miles, with at points, four miles width and 20 miles length. Its depth would range between 16 and 18 feet containing 1,25000 million gallons of water (20,000 million cubic feet). The long canal of 40 miles thus had been taken out from the right bank of the Indus at the Ghulam Mohammad Barrage, feeding the lake constantly to act as a reservoir for the lower Sind. The Kalari Lake engulfed the Kinjar and Soneri lakes situated on the right bank of the Indus at a distance of 80 miles from Karachi. This unification of Kinjar and Soneri lakes cherished as the Kalari Lake in 1960. Accordingly, the area of Amir Pir fell within the Kalari Lake. The Government built a bund (small dam) around the Amir Pir’s cave at a cost of one lac rupees for its protection in October, 1958. In January, 1972, the Kalari Lake was renamed as the Kinjar Lake.
On March 4, 1996, Syed Abdullah Shah, the Chief Minister of Sind performed ground breaking ceremony of drinking water supply scheme at Amir Pir. The scheme had been approved at a cost of Rs. 53,886 million executed by Sind Arid Zone Development Authority. Rs. 5 million had been provided under Social Action Program for its implementation. The scheme completed in two years. It started to provide sweet, clean and bacteria-free chlorinated water to about 9000 people and 50,000 animals of village Suleman Brohi and 16 other settlements in Union Council Jhimpir through 22 km main and 12 km branch pipelines from Kinjar lake. The area fell within arid zone, the provision of sweet surface water for drinking to people of these parched areas mitigated their sufferings as they used to fetch potable water from far off places by foot in very hostile weather condition.
On November 17, 1920, the Ismaili leaders declared construction of the houses in Amir Pir, such as Itmadi Bhula Ali Khimani and Merali Khimani announced five houses each, one by Varas Rahim Basaria, two by Mukhi Sajan Damji, etc. According to a report, there had been 36 houses in 1930.
There is an old room to the right side of the cave. It is said that the Ismaili pilgrims used it for the prayers when no Majalis Hall or the Jamatkhana existed. It was lastly renovated in 1984.
The 14th Shaban to 18th Shaban represented old dates of the Mela. In 1913, its charge came into the hand of the Ismailia Supreme Council, Karachi. In 1920, the Imam changed its date and fixed 15th to 20th November. Later, its supervision was handed over to the Hy-Sultanabad Local Council Management, who fixed the date from 10th to 19th November.
With the cooperation of the Hy-Sultanabad Council, Pir Amir Khidmat Committee in Kharadhar, Karachi was founded on June 16, 1968 for providing manpower of volunteers and other facilities during the Mela. Its first President was Sadruddin Dhala Bachoo with Hon. Secretary Ashraf Ali Muhammad. In 1981, the Regional Council for Karachi and Sind took over its charge till 1989. When the Regional Council for Sind came into existence with the imposition of the New Constitution in 1986, it took over its charge in about 1990. In the meantime, the Pir Amir Khidmat Committee also liquidated in 1994.
On November 10, 1951, a certain Tajddin repaired the “Shah’ja Kadam†with marbled enclosure in memory of his late father, Muhammad Kurji. He put there a curious plaque, which reads: “Dargha Khanaqa’i Pir Amir.†Beside, Tajddin also built a hall, known as the Vanda Hall on November 10, 1951 in memory of his late father along with the members of the Young Ismailia Club, Kharadhar, Karachi.
The mosque is the highest edifice on hilltop. It was built around 1929. In 1972 and again in 1980, the author did not find any trace of inscription or written plaque outside or inside the mosque. Later, someone has put there a plaque with the words, “Muhammad Hanif Masjid†with a false date of May 27, 1494. The writer actually intended to justify the fictitious traditions to attract the visitors. Writing fictitious date clearly means to play with history when one fails to confirm the genuineness of the oral traditions. The writer also meant to give a long life to the Amir Pir Mela. Unfortunately, there is no restriction on putting the plaques in different places in Amir Pir. It will provide free rope to the venerator elite to cultivate false stories.
In 1950, there was no significant construction of the houses. In 1951, the practice of building small houses started and became more rapid after 1984. According to a survey, there were 167 built houses in 1987.
In sum, the veneration of the cave attributed to Amir Pir is to the extent of some persons, who have leaning towards it. In order to legitimate the old traditions and enhance a further lease of life to the legend of the cave, many fictitious plaques and stories have been created by vulgar section. Before installation of any plaque, it must be verified and approved from authority concerned. This practice perhaps may influence the new visitors, but cannot resist before the historical fact. The physical face of the Amir Pir Mela will differ after ten to fifteen years if it is not restricted.
Let us recapitulate the whole discussion that the location of Amir Pir provides an avenue for various healthy activities. It is a best gala for excursion. It is a historical place associated with the history of Jerruk. It should be maintained and that its annual mela should not be abolished. Karachi, Hyderabad and other cities in Sind are thickly populated that none can muster large gathering of the Ismailis except the location of Amir Pir. Some regular and casual venerators visit the cave for vows, but the average visitors come for excursion. It should not be discontinued at the cost of few venerators.
The Ismaili pilgrims should go through its actual history that it has no concern or link with Ismaili faith. Believing in the concealment of Ibn al-Hanafia and making vows in the cave apparently denote an acceptance of the doctrine of the Kaysania sect. This sect does not exist now in the world, but it seems that the venerator elite shares in its revival. It is a very devastating effect on the moral, social and religious attitudes of some people, professing one thing and practicing another. There is no place of reverence or paying homage to any known or unknown cave, tomb of any Imam, Pir or Saint in Ismailism. If this point is cleared in the minds of the people, there is no other reason to wind up the Amir Pir Mela. Before its liquidation, it should keep in mind that there is a Jamatkhana as well as the historical residence of Imam Aga Ali Shah.
The Regional Council for Sind should control the irresponsible persons, who freely place plaques bearing false dates and legends. The plaques written in modern period should be removed, especially the plaque on the entrance of the mosque. Besides, the word “mosque†should not be written thereon. Instead, the word “place for the prayers†should be mentioned if required, otherwise it should not be dressed alike. Since the mosque comes within the circuit of the land of the Ismailis, it would perhaps cause difficulty in case the need of its demolish arose in future.
It must be mentioned in concluding lines that the followers of Mawlana Hazar Imam must look ahead and abandon the immaterial practices inherited from past period. If the making of vows in the cave was the part and parcel of the Ismaili faith, it would not exceed to Karachi and Sind, but the Ismailis of other parts of the world would have also required to participate in the Amir Pir Mela. It devolves upon the Ismailis to decide with their own reason.
ARABIC
Ansab al-Ashraf (ed. M. Hamidullah, Cairo, 1905) by Baladhuri
Kitab at-Tabaqat (ed. E. Sachau, Leiden, 1955) by Ibn Sa’d
Diwan (Beirut, 1971) by Kuthayyir bin Abd Rehman Azza, ed. by Ihsan Abbas
Kitab al-milal wal nihal (tr. Kazi and Flynn, London, 1984) by Shahrastani
PERSIAN
Athar’i Muhammadi (comp. 1310/1893) by Muhammad Taqi bin Ali Reza
ENGLISH
Gazetteer of the Province of Sind (1876)
History of Sind (Karachi, 1902) by Mirza Kalichbeg
On Mahdis and Mahdi’ism (London, 1915) by D.S. Margoliouth
Gazetteer of the Province of Sind (Bombay, 1927)
Some Muhammadan Shrines in Western India (Bombay, 1936) by W. Ivanow
Collectanea (Holland, 1948) by W. Ivanow
The Shia of India (London, 1953) by J.N. Hollister
Amir Pir Mela (Paigham fortnightly, August 15, 1968, pp. 4-6) by H. Cumber
Brief History of Ismailism (Dar-es-Salaam, 1974) by Dr. Abualy A. Aziz
The Mihran of Sind (Lahore, 1979) by Major H.G. Raverty
Multan : History and Architecture†(Islamabad, 1983) by Dr. Ahmad Nabi Khan.
Ismaili through History (Karachi, 1997) by Mumtaz Ali Tajddin
Jerruk and the Ismailis (Karachi, 1999) by Mumtaz Ali Tajddin
Encyclopaedia of Ismailism (Karachi, 2006) by Mumtaz Ali Tajddin
As-Sajjad (Karachi, n.d.) by Syed Nawab Ali
URDU
Tawarikh-i Zila’e Multan (Lahore, 1884) by Munshi Hukam Chand
Uchh Sharif (Lahore, 1999) by Zubayr Shafi Ghori
Pir Tajuddin alias Shah Turrel (Hyderabad, 2003) by Noor Ali Valliani
Dastan-i Hazrat Imam Hanif (Hyderabad, n.d.) by Gul Mohd Azad Sufi
GUJRATI
Ismaili Satpanth Prakash (Bombay, April 12, 1918 & Dec., 12, 1920)
Nurun Mobin (Bombay, 1936) by A. J. Chunara
Kalam-i Imam-i Mubin (Bombay, 1953)
Motti Satveni’ni Vel (Ahmedabad, 1960) by Syed Muhammad Shah
Pir Padhariya Aapan’e Duar (Bombay, 1986) by Abdul Hussain
KHOJKI
Manuscript of the Ginans (comp. 1780)
Satveni’ji Vel (Bombay, 1906) by Syed Muhammad Shah
Manuscript of the Ginans (comp. 1902) by Ghulam Hussain of Var